2014年5月28日 星期三

被捕的图伯特歌手格白的三首歌曲

唯色
 
图片来自Facebook。当地藏人拍摄于格白被捕当日即2014年5月24日,地点是四川省阿坝州红原县。

年轻的图伯特歌手格白(དགེ་བྷེ། Gaybay),安多阿坝人,5月24日晚上,在安多嘎曲(今四川省阿坝藏族羌族自治州红原县)的一场晚会上演唱之后,被当地公安带走,目前情况不明!

我曾在去年10月4日的博文《失踪的藏人歌手格白的歌:<我来了>》中写过:“格白(དགེ་བྷེ།)……是图伯特勇敢且有才华的歌手。他的影响力无法估量,但各种消息说他已经失踪很长时间……”。

5月24日的公开演唱,表明失踪许久的格白终于复出,但我们还来不及庆幸他得自由,就传来他被拘捕的消息。听说他在这个有诸多歌手参加演出的晚会上唱了两首歌,内容是提倡年轻藏人要讲纯粹的藏语,维护和发扬传统文化,远离酗酒等恶习,以及对民族精神的颂扬。他的歌获得在场观众的欢呼。
                                                                     

High peaks pure earth(高峰净土)网站,曾于2012年11月2日介绍了格白的两首歌曲:《图伯特必胜》、《我们有的是苦难》。其中,《图伯特必胜》表达了对尊者达赖喇嘛的思念,以及藏人对多年分离的痛苦,同时也表达了对境内外藏人团聚的深切渴望。《我们有的是苦难》,曲调悲伤,歌词感染力强,内容包括对西藏近代史上重要事件的认识,如尊者达赖喇嘛的流亡、藏人自焚,和1950年代以来在拉萨等藏地发生的屠杀。歌词中有许多关于尊者达赖喇嘛的象征或比喻,如作为一位领袖或国王、父亲或怙主,或如绿松石一样的魂湖——寻找尊者转世灵童的神湖即拉姆拉措。这两首歌都收录在格白于2012年初发行的专辑中,已被禁止的专辑共收录11首歌曲,其MTV可在YouTube观赏到,歌曲可在这里听到。

格白的歌,有忧伤的,也有因为希望而欢欣的。我很喜欢他的歌,他唱出的是藏人深藏在内心的声音。去年的一天,我在布达拉宫背后的鲁康喝甜茶,突然听得音箱里传出格白的《我来了》,又是激动又是不安。甜茶馆里一时安静,看得出许多人都知道这首歌。格白因歌唱而被捕,令人想起在恐怖的共产苏联时代,伟大的诗人曼德尔施塔姆因写了一首讽喻极权专制者的诗歌而两次被捕,被折磨致死于集中营。这首诗同样是今日图伯特之写照:“我们生活着,感受不到脚下的国家,/十步之外便听不到我们的谈话……”

下面是《图伯特必胜》、《我们有的是苦难》、《我来了》三首歌的歌词翻译。前两首歌,由高峰净土将藏文歌词译为英文,推特网友 @lotusseedsD 将英文歌词译为中文,唯色修订;后一首歌,由Grey Buffalo将藏文歌词译为英文唐丹鸿将英文歌词译为中文,唯色修订。



图伯特必胜

诸佛必胜!
图伯特必胜!
今日,贡萨江贡(伟大的至高无上的依怙主达赖喇嘛)必胜!
今日,杰出的图伯特领袖必胜!
今日,降临的福祉必胜! 

念诵:
今日,贡萨确(伟大的至高无上的依怙主达赖喇嘛)必胜!
今日,杰出的图伯特领袖必胜!
今日,降临的福祉必胜!

诸佛必胜!
图伯特必胜!
今日,六百万博巴必胜!
今日,知识的泉源,图伯特必胜!
今日,雪域博巴(藏人)必胜!

诸佛必胜!
图伯特必胜!
今日,所有的同胞们必胜!
今日,世界各地的博巴必胜!
今日,雪域的儿女必胜!

念诵:
今日,六百万博巴必胜!
今日,知识的泉源,图伯特必胜!
今日,雪域博巴必胜!

诸佛必胜!
图伯特必胜!
今日,吉祥的太阳必胜!
今日,愿望实现日,图伯特必胜!
今日,为了境内外博巴的团聚,我们必胜!
今日,为了境内外博巴的团聚,我们必胜!


我们有的是苦难

在如玫瑰念珠般的雪山中央
在图伯特的“确喀颂”(多卫康三区)有藏人之父的宫殿
有父亲的宫殿
围绕着绛红与白色的宫殿 
是无数被偷走的灵魂

白雪皑皑的高原上
有慈悲之父的神湖
有个神湖
围绕这绿松石一样的魂湖
是身体燃烧的传说

拉萨颇章布达拉的高处
有被放逐的历史之王
有段历史
围绕着美丽而晶莹的群峰
是从另一片土地归来的足迹 
 
在世界的南部
住着六百万博巴(藏人)的怙主
住着怙主
怙主喇嘛微笑着
而我们承受了多年的痛苦
无法见到你

怙主喇嘛微笑着
而我们承受了多年的痛苦
无法见到你


我来了

我遥远的怙主啊,我来了!
泪眼滂沱,我来了!
诉说雪域的苦难,我来了!
救苦的怙主啊!想念你,想念你,我来了!

我心中的朋友,我来了!
践行着佛法的功德,我来了!
你并非独自活着,我来了!
亲爱的朋友啊,想念你,想念你,我来了!

雪域的兄弟姐妹,我来了!
诉说图伯特的苦难,我来了!
弹奏着悦耳的“咚铃”,我来了!
为了把福祉带去图伯特,我来了!

2014年5月25日 星期日

由一份“通知”了解“驻寺工作组”

唯色

从网上发现一篇2012年1月31日《关于调整驻重点寺院工作组成员的通知》,是青海省海东地区化隆回族自治县政府网站于同一天登出。

这是一份重要的文本,不但提供了“驻寺工作组”的规模,而且披露了这样的信息:

1、从2011年10月起,西藏自治区向全区1700多座寺院、5400多个行政村,下派驻寺工作组和驻村工作队,共计近3万干部,迄今已是第三批。而化隆县政府的通知表明,并不只是西藏自治区才派“驻寺工作组”。化隆县本属安多藏区,称作“巴燕”,但历史上被回族不断占领,以及中共化整为零、分而治之的民族政策,1949年9月建立“化隆回族自治县”,其中有5个藏族乡。

2、通知中提到的“驻寺工作组”有8个,分别入驻化隆县重要的八座藏传佛教格鲁派寺院:夏琼寺、支扎上寺、扎西泽寺、赛智寺、旦斗寺、若素寺、卡力岗寺、乙什扎寺。其中最为著名的是有着七百多年历史的夏琼寺,以及作为藏传佛教后弘期发祥地的旦斗寺。

3、所谓驻寺工作显然是政府工作的重中之重,“驻寺工作组”成员由公安局、检察院、法院、司法局、森林公安局,以及统战部、民宗局、610办公室等重要部门的干部,以及乡干部组成,每个工作组有12人至16人不等,共计106人。当然这只是全县其中8座重点寺院的规模。

那么,近年内,化隆县有无发生过被当局视为“分裂活动”、必须维稳的事件呢?

据我有关2008年3月遍及全藏的抗暴事件的记录,即《鼠年雪狮吼》一书记载:

2008年3月10日:青海省化隆回族自治县德扎寺(即支扎上寺)60多名僧人和平抗议游行,高举达赖喇嘛法像,呼喊要求自由的口号,被当局军警驱散。后有400多名僧俗民众在寺院后山举行了煨桑祈祷仪式。

又据我有关藏人自焚抗议事件的记录,即《自焚藏人档案》一书记载

2013年2月24日晚,查甫藏族乡21岁农民彭毛顿珠在夏琼寺的辨经场点火自焚,表示抗议。在被家人送往西宁市医院途中遭军警抢走,之后牺牲。彭毛顿珠的家人和亲友被传讯,家被搜查,所在乡村被取消、停止发放贷款、补助等“惠民政策”。
因彭毛顿珠的自焚,传出“驻寺工作组”在夏琼寺的一些情况:之前,“驻寺工作组”在夏琼寺召集僧人开会,强调“爱国维稳”、“反对自焚”,并在寺院张贴“反自焚通告”,要求僧人和民众欢庆藏历新年。同时,僧舍被搜查,供奉在大殿中央的尊者达赖喇嘛法像被没收。
自焚事件发生之后,县民宗局局长马青德率工作组多次召开大会,强调自焚是“违法犯罪”。部分僧人被警方传唤。40多名武警驻扎寺院旁,经常搜查僧舍和僧人,禁止僧人去自焚者家中哀悼、修法,威胁违者将判刑15至20年。

2014年5月6日

(本文为自由亚洲电台藏语广播节目,转载请注明。)

附:关于调整驻重点寺院工作组成员的通知

化隆县人民政府:http://www.hdhl.gov.cn/(2012年1月31日)

各有关乡镇党委、政府,县委、县政府有关部门,县直有关单位:

因工作需要,经县委、县政府研究,决定对驻重点寺院工作组成员进行调整,现将调整后的人员名单及相关要求通知如下:

一、查甫乡夏琼寺:

包寺县领导:李照本 县委常委、宣传部部长
常湟院 县检察院检察长
工作组组长:刘永俊 查甫乡党委书记
工作组副组长:马青德 县委统战部副部长、民宗局局长
多杰龙周 县公安局副局长
县工作组成员:县检察院尕仁尖措、穆生峰,县民宗局恒见,县司法局果然旦,县公安局马永年、王延平
乡镇工作组成员:曹晓平、吾尖才让、钟志庭、靳立平

二、雄先乡支扎上寺:

包寺县领导:徐喜明 县委常委、政法委书记
马少武 县人民法院院长
工作组组长:周福明 雄先乡党委书记
工作组副组长:宁克加 县司法局局长
冯世武 县林业局副局长、森林公安局局长
王延华 县公安局副局长
县工作组成员:县森林公安局廖永生、李增发,县民宗局金先德,县公安局才智、多杰太,县司法局完么太
乡镇工作组成员:王有兰、周子豪、苗宝成、土登多杰

三、雄先乡扎西泽寺:

包寺县领导:赵国栋 县人大副主任
赵晓安 县公安局副政委
工作组组长:加 华 雄先乡党委副书记、乡长
工作组副组长:赵维荣 县610办公室主任
县工作组成员:县法院秦世忠、德拉,公安局吴海、多杰
乡镇工作组成员:赵永伟、肖峰海、朵生龙、刘伟

四、金源乡赛智寺:

包寺县领导:张发祥 县政府副县长
李恒英 县公安局副局长
工作组组长:祁善钰 金源乡党委书记
工作组副组长:贺顺帮 县司法局副局长
县工作组成员:县司法局潘山庆,县法院石晓平,县公安局才仁扎西、才仁东智
乡镇工作组成员:白才让、拉洛、扎西、汪源福

五、金源乡旦斗寺:

包寺县领导:高雪明 县委常委、县政府副县长
韩建忠 县政协副主席
工作组组长:才 仁 金源乡党委副书记、乡长
工作组副组长:桑当周 县民宗局副局长
县工作组成员:县法院韩淼,县公安局李英善、曹进忠、斗盖,县司法局李看卓、拉毛杰
乡镇工作组成员:牛晓平、张海峰、赵玉生、扎西东智

六、德恒隆乡若素寺:

包寺县领导:李积英 县委常委、组织部长
冶生龙 县政府副县长
工作组组长:马锦梁 德恒隆乡党委书记
工作组副组长:杜德良 县司法局副局长
县工作组成员:县民宗局马青龙,县公安局杨德秀、田种新、石建卿,县法院雷福生
乡镇工作组成员:多杰项骞、赵志旭、包元太、韩渊文

七、沙连堡乡卡力岗寺:

包寺县领导:张胜源 县委常委、县政府常务副县长
贺生忠 县政协副主席、财政局局长
工作组组长:马福英 沙连堡乡党委书记
工作组副组长:俞永红 县公安局副局长、群科分局局长
县工作组成员:县民宗局王俊,县司法局公保扎西,县公安局公保、马忠德
乡镇工作组成员:文成当智、马英成、毛吉元、白胜荣

八、石大仓乡乙什扎寺:

包寺县领导:马维忠 县委副书记
康建文 县人大副主任
工作组组长:马如麒 石大仓乡党委书记
工作组副组长:白如林 县委统战部副部长
县工作组成员:县法院马育民、尕藏,县公安局高占元、冶金明
乡镇工作组成员:马全成、徐成杉、常炳胜、胡索南

相关要求:

1、各驻寺工作组要在包寺县领导的统一安排下驻寺开展工作,严明工作纪律,在驻寺期间不得无故脱岗,凡在驻寺工作期间因脱岗造成后果者将追究相关责任人的责任。

2、各驻寺工作组要在驻寺工作期间排查化解影响寺院稳定的隐患和问题,关注寺院僧人的民生,了解僧人的实际困难,并及时解决实际困难。

3、由县民宗局牵头负责邀请省、地相关部门人员对重点寺院开展法制宣传教育工作。

二○一二年一月三十一日
发帖者 Tsering Woeser 

Troubled Times: Voices of Tibetan Refugees, Part 1



中国数字时代

Dollu
Dollu fled to India in the 1950s. (Photo courtesy Tang Danhong)
In the summer of 2010, writer and filmmaker Tang Danhong and the young Tibetan translator Sangjey interviewed older Tibetan refugees in India, people who had fled their homes as the People’s Liberation Army entered Tibetan areas and slowly tightened Beijing’s grip. Some of the interviewees joined the Tibetan volunteer army Chushi Gangdruk in its armed rebellion against the Chinese Communists, with the aid of the CIA. Others told harrowing stories of imprisonment, flight, and survival. The refugees Tang interviewed called this period Dulog Yung, the “Troubled Times.”
Last summer, Tang began to publish some of the interviews, translated by Sangjey into Chinese, on her blog, Moments of Samsara. Today, CDT begins a weekly four-part series of excerpts from three interviews, translated into English.
Tang hopes to make a documentary from the interviews, and welcomes correspondence from filmmakers via Twitter at@DanHongTang.

Dollu was born around 1931 in Golog, Amdo (Golog Autonomous Prefecture, Qinghai). She fled in 1958 and arrived in India five years later. Today she lives in the Dekyiling Tibetan Settlement in Sahastradhara, India.
Tang Danhong interviewed Dollu in 2010. The full Chinese transcript of Dollu’s interview is available onTang’s blog.
My name is Dollu. This year I’m 79 years old, so I must have been born in 1931. I was born in Golog, and lived in a place called Tang Hege. My parents were herders and had seven children. My oldest brother was adopted by relatives. I was the youngest child, and am the only one from my family to who made it to India.
My father herded livestock and went to Ngawa and Garze to do business. Our mother was responsible for the milking, making yogurt and butter, herding, and preparing manure. We had about 2000 sheep and more than 300 yaks. By the grace of those animals,we never had to worry about clothing or food. Anything else we needed my father would obtain through trade. We didn’t farm, as our livestock provided all that we needed.
When I was a child I liked to chant, to go with the grownups to hear scripture read, to pay homage to the sacred mountains and shrines, and to sing love songs with the other children. Even though I am so old now, every time I think of my childhood I can’t hold back my tears. I received endless love from my parents and lived a life of freedom on my own land, with clean water and clean soil. Today I live at the Dehra Dun Dekyiling Tibetan Refugee Settlement in India, far away from my home, in another country. The language is different, the food is different… I suppose this is my fate.
When I was about 18, around 1948 or ’49, the Han [Chinese] Communists arrived in Golog. They lied to our tribal leaders, saying they needed to set up an army barracks in order to protect us from horse thieves. The chiefs agreed and gave them land that allowed them to set up camp on favorable terrain. The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) also set up camp near my hometown, in Darlag County. The chiefs didn’t know what the Han were planning. If they had been a little more clear-headed at that time, we could have easily driven the Han away. Not only did the leaders allow the Han to come, but they let them occupy our region. That was the beginning of the end. The situation was the same throughout Golog. It was all the fault of those chiefs.
After the Han came in, they gave the poor people a bit of money, so they were all very happy and thankful, and said the Han were good. All of the Golog chiefs gathered at the Han barracks in Darlag, where the Han told them to come live there and gave them a wage. The Han gave those leaders lots of silver, so much that some of them had to use mules to carry it all back. So the leaders also spoke favorably of the Han. Everybody said the Han were good. Perhaps when our chiefs said this, they had been fooled by the Han Communists. The Han also paid Tibetans in silver to transport their supplies. Lots of Tibetans helped, even my husband.
One day, my family’s lama, Garab Lama, said to my husband, “Don’t help in transporting those supplies again. Give your ox some rest. You all have already made a mistake. The money you make helping the Han doesn’t have any value.” Actually, there were some who said the Han had already occupied our land, that there was no way it could lead to good, that their arrival was definitely not a happy occasion, that Buddhism would be destroyed in Tibet. In the end, these warnings proved correct. But back then many people were intoxicated by silver.
At this time, the Han hadn’t yet intervened in our lives, and none of our daily activities had been restricted. If a Han came to my house to look around, he’d just say he wanted to buy livestock or a horse. But we didn’t like what they did, and felt discomfort stirring from the bottoms of our hearts. For example, they would cut all of the bushes on the mountains to make charcoal. Some Tibetans were tight on money, and if they ran out of fuel they would also cut down shrubs—but only a little bit, they wouldn’t cut everything. And the PLA would hire poor Tibetans to do the chopping, and soon every hillside was cut bare. They would burn day and night, non-stop. At that time I’d already married into my husband’s home, and the second I’d leave our tent I could see thick smoke billowing by the banks of the Yellow River…
The Han also hired poor people to go out into the wilderness and gather bones—cow horns and what not—which they’d take to their barracks and burn. I heard they used it to make silk. The poor people collecting the bones were very happy, because they could exchange them for silver. They also hired poor people to go to the army camp and slaughter livestock… In short, to do things that Tibetans didn’t normally do. It made people uncomfortable.
At that time, my elder brother, the one who was adopted, killed some Han people. One day, my brother and four of his companions were on the road, and they came across five armed Han, but they didn’t look like soldiers. My brother’s crew killed all five, buried them out in the wilderness, and took their guns. They killed them in order to take their guns and horses —at that time, guns were very expensive. The rest of us had no idea that they had killed those Han men, not until two or three years later, when I heard that my brother was captured in Xining while on business and then taken to jail in Darlag. One time I went to visit him in jail. He said, “Don’t worry about me, I am reaping what I have sown. I don’t get beaten here, and the food is decent.” He really didn’t look so bad. My brother had a large family, and his children were already grown. He gave me a letter to bring to his children that told them not to worry, that all was well in jail.
After that, the Troubled Times began. I never saw my brother again.
*         *         *
One day, when I was 24, I heard my husband say that a “change of circumstances” had swept many regions. Han would soon be convening every tribal leader in Golog , and the chiefs had no choice but to go, since they had all accepted silver from the Han earlier. All of the leaders present were detained—not a single one escaped—and were taken to some horrible place.
After news of the chiefs’ capture came back to us, the men of our tribe said, “All the money we’ve saved is useless if the chiefs have been captured! We have to buy guns and horses and prepare to flee.” It was clear to us that we had no way to resist the Han for more than a day or two. We would never be done killing the Han. And so, before collectivization began in Golog, our tribe had already acquired horses and guns, getting everything in order.
A year later–I don’t know who lead them–our tribal soldiers got into a skirmish with the PLA on a mountain not far from our village. They only fought for a few hours before some of our men had been killed and most of the rest had surrendered. Had out chiefs not been captured, all of Golog would have united, and we might have been able to resist for a few days. Of course we would have lost many men, but so would the Han, and at least we could have held them off for a few days… We fought only one battle and were defeated in a single day.
After that defeat, our tribe started to flee. It was myself, my husband, my mother-in-law, my daughter, my husband’s two monk brothers Dongsar Lama and Dorkun Rinpoche, the family of my husband’s eldest brother, and their relatives Chonyi and Sawor. My daughter couldn’t walk yet. That night, we hid ourselves on a mountain until the sun went down. Our first destination was a place with huge mountains and thick forest called Wana. Most importantly, we’d heard that Wana wasn’t under Han occupation.
My family had many cattle and sheep. On the day we fled, only the animals that could keep up came with us. The rest were left behind. We hurried them along to the river bank opposite Wana. By nightfall there was a heavy rain, and the river raged so fiercely that we couldn’t cross. Lots of people from other tribes in Golog had also made it to this point, and we were all crowded at the river bank. Then the people from Wana shouted across to us, “Wana has already fallen!” Some from our side yelled back, “The Han are catching up to us!” Everyone panicked and started to cross the river. We made the horses go first, then grabbed their tails. First my husband and his brothers took their mother to the other side, then they came back for my daughter and me. Finally, we all made it to the other side. Fortunately the Han didn’t continue pursuing us.
Two or three days after we arrived in Wana my entire family joined us there, including my mother. Wana was a small place, and refugees has scattered their campsites everywhere. I rushed to find my family. The next day, the PLA came after us again, breaking my family apart. We quickly ran off. I haven’t seen my mother or other relatives since that day.
During the rest of our flight, I never heard a shred of news about my family. It wasn’t until the ’80s, when I went back home for a visit, that I learned that my family never escaped from Wana. Those that weren’t killed there were taken back for collectivization. My father’s younger brother and my older brothers and sisters were all captured, and everything they owned was confiscated. Two of my sisters were beaten to death during struggle sessions. When I was back home visiting family, I saw one of my sisters. One of her hands was deformed from being bound up during a struggle session.
We made it to the upper part of Wana along with quite a few other Golog refugees. At this point, some of us didn’t want to continue. They said, “We can’t keep running. The Han are everywhere, there’s no place to run. We’d better return home and let the Han collectivize us.” Others said, “You’ll die if you go back. If you keep running, you might die. So we should keep running no matter what, and see if we can’t escape.” And so some people turned back. But we still believed that before our last bullet was fired, we’d make our escape. More than 80 of us decided to continue our flight.
We drove our livestock north, on towards Changthang. Even if we saw a raven in our path, we would become vigilant, wondering if the Han were near. One day as we were hurrying along, we heard the sounds of an airplane. Before long, the plane was right above us flying low, and we could see Han standing on the tail clutching guns. With my daughter at my breast, I felt no fear. We had come so far, with the Han chasing us and shooting to kill. We were like cattle at the slaughterhouse door, ready to be butchered at any moment.
The plane didn’t drop any bombs. They just shot at us. They kept circling above us, only shooting when their tails were pointed in our direction. By then, we were scattered. The animals were even harder to hit. Most of their bullets hit the ground, and not many of us were killed or injured. Some of our men climbed up to the top of a hill and opened fire on the plane. We must have hit them, because all of a sudden the plane climbed and then took off. After that, no more planes came after us.
The plane attack startled our livestock, and they turned around to flee. There were also PLA soldiers pursuing us on the ground, and in our desperation we abandoned many animals. Two days had not yet passed before the Han came chasing us again, and we had no choice but to abandon many more things, including all of our food, in order to escape. Not only did we not have any food, but we didn’t have any water, either. For seven days we didn’t see another soul on the road.  Everything in front of our eyes blurred, until we couldn’t see clearly ahead.
We arrived in a vast, flat, sandy wilderness. There was no water there, and most of us were too thirsty to endure. The children were about to die of thirst. One day, we came to a place with thorny plants that had little red berries. As soon as we saw it, all of us—including our horses—we all burst into the thorns and wildly gorged on the berries. We gathered more berries and squeezed the juice into the children’s mouths, which helped them a little.
After walking for another stretch, we were all so hungry we couldn’t move. Somebody said we should climb up a cliff and jump off, letting the women and children go first and then the men. After all, that would be a better end than letting the Han capture us. Everyone agreed. The women all wailed in grief. We knew that if our husbands didn’t have us to worry about, their flight would be so much easier. I didn’t think too long about it. If so many women could decide to jump, surely I could, too. Besides, we had already been running for a long time, and our flight had no end…
Among us was an old man riding a yak. My husband suggested that we kill the yak for food and everyone else give the old man turns riding their horses. If we didn’t have our horses, we’d have no way to escape, so we couldn’t slaughter them. First we would eat the yak, then figure out what to do next. Everyone agreed. After we killed the yak, no one could wait for the meat to boil, so we just ate it raw. One yak was divided among 80 people, so everyone only got a little bit. Aside from the bones, we ate everything. We didn’t waste even a drop of blood.
*         *         *
I’m thankful that there are so many people in the world who support the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people. But I don’t like the Han one bit. I hate the Han. In this lifetime I will never forget the pain and suffering, and all of our pain and suffering was caused by them, everyone knows that. They wrecked us Tibetans and Buddhism, killed our lamas, and left us destitute and homeless. The Han ought to know this.
Under normal circumstances, I ought to offer prayers and blessings to all living things. But, when I recite my daily prayers, I can’t offer any to the Han. We Tibetans didn’t ask them to come to Tibet, they forced their way in and created suffering. And they continue to tell lies and trick people. So I don’t think there’s any reason I should pray for them.

http://chinadigitaltimes.net/2014/05/troubled-times-voices-tibetan-refugees-part-1/


“翻身乱世”流亡藏人访谈录之:安多果洛藏人 卓洛

2014年5月23日 星期五

藏人为“六四” 付出的代价

【 民主中国首发 】   时间: 5/14/2014

作者: 桑杰嘉
1989年6月4日,中共对天安门广场上非暴力抗争的学生大开杀戒——六四大屠杀发生了,屠杀事件震惊了全世界。89 学运一开始项目,西藏流亡政府便高度关注中国学运的发展趋势,特别是西藏政教领袖达赖喇嘛更是关注中国学生为民主、为自由进行的非暴力抗争。中共武力镇压之后,达赖喇嘛尊者立即发表紧急声明,强烈谴责了中国政府镇压学生的暴行。当时正是西藏流亡政府与中国政府达成共识接近谈判,这样的声明之后果一目了然。但是,西藏没有为了自己的利益容忍中国政府对手无寸铁的学生进行武力镇压,而这样的付出对于西藏流亡政府来说是巨大的代价。
尽管中国人非常喜欢称西藏、新疆等为“中国领土”,尽管不断的重复“同胞”、“同志”等听了肉麻的这些称呼。但是,总会遗忘掉中国人称为“少数民族”者曾经为他们所做的一切。包括谈论“六四”事件也不例外,甚至觉得“六四”跟你们无关。可是,有几个中国民运人知道西藏曾为“六四”在政治上付出过巨大的代价?还有至今没有人谈论的89学潮期间在中国各大城市的西藏热血青年们参加学运的情况,以及中共武力镇压“六四”之后,西藏很多地方是中国学生“流亡”避难地。

1989年6月4日,中共对天安门广场上非暴力抗争的学生大开杀戒——六四大屠杀发生了,屠杀事件震惊了全世界。当时在西藏如同中国大陆任何其他地方一样只有官方媒体的新闻,所以,对六四真相了解甚少,只有后来亲历六四的西藏学生的讲述中获悉大屠杀的真相。

但是,在国外有关六四事件的新闻扑天盖地。所以,89 学运一开始西藏流亡政府高度关注中国学运的发展趋势,特别是西藏政教领袖达赖喇嘛更是关注中国学生为民主、为自由进行的非暴力抗争。中共武力镇压之后,达赖喇嘛尊者立即发表紧急声明,强烈谴责了中国政府镇压学生的暴行。当时正是西藏流亡政府与中国政府达成共识接近谈判,这样的声明之后果一目了然。但是,西藏没有为了自己的利益容忍中国政府对手无寸铁的学生进行武力镇压,而这样的付出对于西藏流亡政府来说是巨大的代价。

坚持正义原则,谴责暴力镇压

首先,我们回到二十五年前的6月4日,以下是达赖喇嘛尊者(当时达赖喇嘛为西藏政教领袖,领导西藏流亡政府)和主要负责与中国政府接触谈判的官员洛第嘉日的对话。此时的达赖喇嘛“如此的焦虑和激动”。他(达赖喇嘛)省略了一般的欢迎礼节,直接了当的问我们:“你们看到了吗?你们看到了吗?”“你们一起拟一个声明,我要强调强烈的谴责中国政府,以及他们如此残暴的对待他们的国民,我完全支持在广场上的年轻人。”—— 洛第嘉日等无言,且想说服达赖喇嘛改变主意。“怎么啦?”达赖喇嘛说。我(洛第嘉日)说道:“圣上,我想您一定知道这会破坏我们为协谈所做的努力,可能很长一段时间都无法再有进展了。”“是的,的确没错,你有你的想法,但如果我现在不说话,就没有道德权利再说有关自由与民主的议题了。这些年轻人要的不是别的,正是我一直再追寻的东西。如果我不能为他们开口——我将耻于开口谈论自由与民主。”达赖喇嘛说。最终官员们没能说服达赖喇嘛,“哦!老天,这会毁了协商会谈的机会,这几十年我们不都在为了这件事而努力吗?”。

达赖喇嘛当天发布了谴责中国政府的新闻声明:“中国掌权者武力镇压导致很多人失去了生命,我对此表示非常遗憾。中国领导人不接受民众的意愿和现实情况令人失望。我作为佛教徒向去世的人们表示哀悼,向遭受悲痛的亲人们表示同情与支持!”

有政治观察家认为,达赖喇嘛尊者批评中国政府镇压学生,支持“六四”激怒了中共最高领导人。总之,其结果导致西藏流亡政府与中国政府的官方接触中断十多年。

有专家说:“谈,总比不谈好”。“我知道达赖喇嘛及其他海外流亡的西藏人士来说,要诱劝中国走上谈判桌是一件非常困难的事。过去四十多年来他们一直在努力做到这件事。”

能找到的公开资料中可以看出“六四”之前是藏中密集接触期。特别是“一九八八年九月廿三日,中国政府宣布愿意与我们谈判,并表示谈判的时间和地点将由达赖喇嘛决定。一九八八年十一月十八日,中国政府建议在北京或香港举行会谈。”(见《达赖喇嘛致邓小平和江泽民的备忘录》一九九二年九月一日,印度达兰萨拉(原为藏文)这就是洛第嘉日说的:“——破坏我们为协谈所做的努力——”。达赖喇嘛和洛第嘉日非常清楚这一谴责中国政府的声明将导致藏中商谈将会中断,“可能很长一段时间都无法再有进展了。”事实真是如此,从此藏中官方接触渠道完全中断,直至2002年才恢复接触。但是,由于中共几十年严酷的对藏政策激发的藏中矛盾似乎已经接近极点,挽救的希望已经非常渺茫。

西藏为支持“六四” 付出了巨大的代价,但是,西藏流亡政府和达赖喇嘛支持正义的立场始终如一。每逢纪念六四时,达赖喇嘛总会发表声明支持。同时还支持“天安门母亲”,达赖喇嘛尊者在一份声明中说:“1989年6月,天安门广场的和平抗议曾经遭受镇压,我尤为同情那些牺牲者的家庭及其支持者,因为, 最近40 年来,西藏也发生了同类事件。中国接管我们国家之后,直接导致近120万人死亡,给他们悲伤的家庭仅仅留下了痛苦。因此,我毫不怀疑,在中国境内强调人权、推进民主与和平,将利乐作为一个整体的中国人和西藏人。我了解到,天安门母亲已经把实现这些目的作为她们抗争的焦点。与此同时,她们互相之间提供了实际援助和道义支持。我乐于支持她们,并且鼓励他人以其任何可能的方式给予支持。我祈愿,天安门母亲的努力将带来成功的喜悦,将为中国和周边地区的每一个人创造一个机缘,使他们生活在更大的和平与尊严之中。”

当今世界各国之间只有永恒的利益关系,面对正义和利益选项时,每一个国家的领导人永远会选择自己国家的利益,这也是当今世界领袖们的一贯做法。但是,西藏流亡政府面对六四没有为了自己的利益而沉默,更没有以此为机会要求中国政府回到谈判桌上。非常清楚后果的情况下坚决支持正义,谴责中国政府暴力镇压中国学生。

西藏学生参与中国学生运动 

有关西藏学生参与1989年中国学生运动的资料非常缺少,甚至中国学运领袖和专门研究89学运的中国学者对这一问题没有专门的研究和调查。加上西藏境内这是非常敏感的问题,不能公开研究。种种原因使西藏学生参与89学运的真相未能公开,因此,本文提及这一问题,希望有更多的研究者给予关注。

89年中国学生在全国各地开展学运时,有很多西藏学生在中国各地大学参与了学运,特别在北京、天津、成都等地,他们来自西藏三区。特别是在北京上学的西藏学生参与了天安门学运,甚至遭镇压后来自青海湖边的西藏学生受重伤而返回老家治疗。据当时在火车上见过那位西藏学生的人说,该西藏学生背部中枪(并不严重,擦伤皮肤),是由于他在低头从地上捡东西时背部受伤。

另外,在西宁的青海民族学院(现为青海民族大学)、兰州的西北民族学院(现为西北民族大学)西藏学生联合组织规模交大的抗议运动。这是由西北民族大学西藏学生邀请青海民族学院的学生到兰州一起组织抗议运动(虽然当时的口号与当地中国学生有所不同,但是,以自由、平等和尊重等为主题。)

由于当时参与中国学运,西藏学生遭到不同程度的处罚,甚至有的学生的档案中写有参加学运的问题,所以,长期找不到工作。有的虽然找到了工作,但没有升职等的机会。

西藏——六四学生的避难所

西藏在历史上永远是中国人避难的国度。历代中国皇帝发怒惩罚他的子民时,只要逃亡到西藏可以保全性命。如西藏安多赤噶(贵德/归德)的四十八户等等。中共为了逃命(后来称为长征),从中国逃到西藏康区、安多等地再转折回中国,当时中国领导承认这些地方为外国。后来,在中国三年大饥荒时,仅仅青海湖一带就救了无数中国人的命。因为青海湖是西藏人的圣湖,这里居住的藏人世世代代看护湖中的鱼,湖边的藏人不食鱼。当时青海湖鱼产量惊人。曾经有人描述过中国人在火车站拼命上开往青海的火车情况——真是目瞪口呆的场面。中共镇压学生运动后,很多中国学生怕秋后算账开始逃亡,能跑国外的跑国外了。还有一部分逃到西藏周边地区开始隐名埋姓,担任民办教师、自学律师或经商等等暂躲灾难,后来没有几个返回中国原籍所在地。

西藏总是以宽大的胸怀接纳逃难的中国人,但是,其结果不一定对西藏有利。因此,西藏人说:“我们家来了带枪的客人,从此,他们留下来没有走。而且,成了‘主人’。”
总之,中国六四事件发生后,达赖喇嘛领导的西藏流亡政府给予了坚决的支持,没有任何迟疑。而且牺牲了自己最大的利益。相比之下,中国民运人士支持西藏正义事业是很晚才开始的,而且基本上是“声援”层面的,还谈不上牺牲中国民运的利益来支持西藏问题。不求滴水之恩涌泉相报,但中国民主人士应该正面认识西藏对中国民主运动的立场,以及正确认可西藏的根本问题之基础上推动西藏问题的解决,这样才能真正相互理解、尊重与合作。

2014年5月3日