2018年6月26日 星期二

“教育转化中心”的酷刑和性虐待

【 民主中国首发 】  时间: 6/20/2018       
最近图伯特人权组织(西藏)获得一份来自图伯特境内的资料,记录了中共在图伯特设立的教育转化中心实施酷刑和性虐待的情况,记录上述资料的是一位曾在索县教育转化中心被拘留数月的僧人,他记录了自己遭受的酷刑,以及所见所闻。这是外界首次获得境内 教育转化中心关押的图伯特人记录有关教育转化中心情况的第一手资料。由于记录者在图伯特境内,为了安全暂保密其姓名。
 528日,在印度达兰萨拉的西藏人权与民主促进中心发布了一份来自图伯特境内的资料。该资料的记录者是图伯特那曲索县的僧人,之前他前往图伯特青海某寺院学习佛教,由于中共严令要求在外地学习的所有僧人和尼师必须限期内返回家乡,否则将拘捕父母等,禁止小孩入学,禁止家人采挖冬春夏草等恐吓。因此,记录者于2017713日从青海强制带到索县,并关押在索县的教育转化中心四个月。资料记录的是他在关押期间所遭受的酷刑、政治洗脑,以及他在中心四个月里对尼师们的性虐待等所见所闻。另外,人权组织通过长期搜集的资料、国际人权组织和国际媒体的报道等证实了资料内容的真实性。
 从网上有限的资料显示中共所谓的教育转化最初为了镇压和打击法轮功而设立,并有一套教育转化法轮功学员的体系。之后在图伯特和东突成立,专门打击知识分子、宗教人士和异见者。中共之前在图伯特和东突设立此类的中心一般称政治再教育中心再教育中心等。最近几年中共开始在图伯特、东突等地也开始建立所谓的教育转化中心 转化图伯特人和维吾尔人的信仰、民族认同和思想等为最终目的。
 有关教育转化纽约时报在《中国如何对少数民族进行教育转化》的文章称:在中国西部地区新疆,维吾尔以及哈萨克、柯尔克孜等其他少数民族的大量人口正被拘押,接受国家所谓的教育转化。他们当中有上万人被关在配备带刺铁丝网、防爆外层、加固门和警卫室的新型思想控制拘留营里。该文章还指出:对于有关这些拘留营的报道,中国当局讳莫如深、含糊其辞,甚至明确表示否认。不过,最近外界已经找到了确凿证据
 来自图伯特的最新资料显示,进入中心前说,你要去的是学校,而非监狱。但是,僧侣很快意识到,教育转化中心是一所监狱。
 在图伯特设立教育转化中心开始于最近几年,因为,中共强制要求远离家乡在图伯特其他地方学习的僧人和尼姑们限期返回。当在外地学习的僧人和尼姑们返回家乡后被送入教育转化中心关押。特别是去年中共强拆和驱逐色达佛学院、亚青佛学院之后大量返回的僧侣和尼姑关进教育转化中心实施酷刑和性虐待等。
 据图伯特人权组织研究发现教育转化中心同时也是为打压政治上不可靠的图伯特人而设立。并列举了图伯特政治犯被释放之后再次强制接受教育转化十五天和两个月的案例。并指出:被拘留者编写的第一手资料显示了中国当局在图伯特建立的教育转化隐秘的围墙内以法律教育名义进行恐怖活动。
 从这位图伯特僧人提供的第一手资料显示,中共设立的教育转化中心不仅仅在强制接受爱党爱国、拥护中共统治,对拘押者实施严重的酷刑和性虐待,且非常普遍。
 这位记录者进入索县教育转化中心时除了两三位俗人外全部是僧人和尼姑,强制他们唱国歌、红歌,并强制僧人和尼姑穿军装制服,进行军训。

教育转化中心的酷刑
 教育转化中心暴虐非常普遍,政治揭发斗争会、殴打、集体惩罚、罚静站等。图伯特僧人如此记录:
 晚上有时候召开59年时的斗争会,有时候是军训,军训时最可怜的是年长的尼姑和僧人们,他们听不懂汉语、身体虚弱常常遭到殴打。
 挑出几个看不惯的人,进行殴打,一次又一次地打晕,再浇水让他醒过来,这样反复多次之后利用黑色的橡胶棒殴打,也用电棒击打。全身变成紫青色打的半死不活。---我被释放之后听说有些僧人遭殴打后手臂被打断了。

进行集团惩罚、禁止食物。
 晚上,有时候一次,有时候两次睡觉时吹哨集合,如果没有醒过来或者迟到将会殴打,并罚背着被褥深夜跑步两个小时,并用电棒击打。
 太阳下静站,如果稍有动弹将会遭到军人们的殴打。有一个人如有小动他们会跳到眼前,开心微笑地进行殴打。贴墙静站近三个小时。
 教育转化中心对尼师的性虐待
中心管理人员对关押的尼姑们实施性虐待。
 军训时:不少尼姑会晕倒,有时候尼姑晕倒后监管人员带到自己的房间,我亲眼目睹了监管人员乱摸尼姑的乳房、身体等的情况。
 有一段时间当尼姑们晕倒后监管人员立即带走,无人知晓他们做什么。也听说了男性监管人员在尼姑宿舍里爬在尼姑身上。

教育转化中心的政治洗脑
 虽然中共说在中心学习法律,但事实上没有多少法律课程,最主要的是政治洗脑。
 学习中国国歌、演唱中国官方藏人女高音次丹卓玛的红色歌曲”--《太阳和月亮是一个妈妈的孩子》。
 所进行的所谓的教育都努力为了消除对图伯特领袖达赖喇嘛尊者的信仰和忠诚。
 课程是玷污我们自己和玷污达赖喇嘛尊者对此,他觉得非常可笑:他们有时候很像一个小孩子,如此泱泱大国对一位遥远的老僧人进行秘密玷污,真是哭笑不得。

释放后的监控
 图伯特人从教育转化中心释放后仍然受到中共严密的监控。
 图伯特僧人透露:释放之后必须到所在地派出所登记报到,有些人每天一次,有的人三天一次,有的人一周一次报到。去报到时需要给他们打扫卫生,洗衣服和餐具等。禁止穿僧服、禁止返回寺院、禁止为他人诵经做法事。禁止到其它县、地区和城市。身份证遭国安部门扣押。
 国际媒体已经报道在东突中共修建了很多教育转化中心,有数万计的维吾尔和其他民族信教者关押在其中进行所谓的教育转化。在该中心关押人员的暴虐等被媒体揭露之后震惊了世界。最近图伯特境内僧人冒着极大的危险向境外提供了他在教育转化中心的记录。从而也证明了之前从图伯特传到国外的一段视频中一群穿着军装制服的尼姑在歌唱革命歌曲的出处和真实性。图伯特人权组织称中共非法设立的教育转化中心“2013年中国政府声称废除的另一种可怕的劳改制度
 中共隐秘的教育转化中心最初是为打击法轮功学员设立,之后由于其酷刑等打击起到杀鸡给猴看的效果,因此,中共又开始在图伯特和东突等地方有步骤有计划的设立教育转化中心打击图伯特等的知识分子、宗教人士和异见者。最近几年图伯特的教育转化中心也在隐秘中在各地纷纷登场,随着中共打压图伯特人的力度加强,将会有更多的教育转化中心出现,更多的图伯特人将被关押其中,而且,教育转化中心内实施的酷刑、性虐待等将会更加猖獗。

2018/5/31

The tragic case of Tibet cultural guardian Tashi Wangchuk


Shopkeeper gets five-year sentence after imploring Beijing to better protect Tibetan language and culture

The tragic case of Tibet cultural guardian Tashi Wangchuk
A volunteer holds placards of detained Taiwanese activist Lee Ming-cheh and Tibetan education advocate Tashi Wangchuk (right) in Taipei on June 4, 2017. Last month, Tashi was sentenced to five years in jail for inciting separatism. He had provoked the ire of Chinese authorities by requesting the implementation of education policies that incorporated the Tibetan language and culture. (Photo by Sam Yeh/AFP)

June 13, 2018

On the morning of May 22, the Yushu Intermediate Court in China's Qinghai province delivered its verdict that Tibetan language advocate Tashi Wangchuk had been sentenced to five years in jail for inciting separatism.
U.N. human rights experts immediately condemned the ruling, which came five months after the court first heard the case against the shopkeeper, also known as Tashi Woeser.
All he did, rights activists argued, was try to promote the cultural and linguistic rights of the Tibetan minority in China by asking the central government to adopt educational policies that incorporated rather than excluded it.
However after spending two years in detention, and well understanding China's fears about any perceived threat to its Han hegemony, he may already have become resigned to his fate.
The case dates back to Jan. 27, 2016, when The New York Times released a documentary about a lawsuit filed by Tashi, who accused the Chinese Tibet local government of failing to protect and promote Tibetan culture.
After the video was broadcast, he was arbitrarily detained.
His case was finally opened for trial on Jan. 4 this year.
Officials from the embassies of the United States, Germany, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the European Union requested authorization to travel from Beijing to Yushu, a county-level city in the Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in southern Qinghai, to attend the trial but all such requests were rejected.
"Tashi argues that he has been only expressing his own opinions on the Yushu government's measures and programs in teaching the Tibetan language," said Liang Xiaojun, one of Tashi's defense lawyers, before the trial.
"He has not shown any intention or instigated any action to try and split the country," Liang said.
"As such, we have filed a 'not guilty' plea and I think the court will listen carefully to our argument," he added.
"Tashi is only exercising his rights as a citizen of the People's Republic of China. Tibetans are also Chinese citizens."
The international community was also shocked that such a request by an individual could possibly merit incarceration.
"This action by the Chinese government sends a chilling message meant to silence its critics," said a spokesperson for the NYT.
The U.S. State Department also issued a statement expressing its "deep disappointment" when the verdict against Tashi was read out. It requested he be released immediately.
The Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy condemned the verdict as being "a great irony and mockery to China's constitution and its law on regional national autonomy, both of which protect ethnic languages and cultures."
"Other Chinese laws and regulations let Tibetans use and learn their own language," it added.
The center also noted there was no basis for Beijing to consider the language rights of "ethnic minorities" as being in some way detrimental to national security or national unity.
So why did an ordinary Tibetan businessman receive a five-year sentence simply for asking the authorities to implement Tibetan language and cultural education policies in education?
Experts say one reason is because of the Chinese people's ingrained notion that those who belong to different ethnicities are of "a different heart." Moreover this is coupled with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) identifying Tibetan religious culture as a threat to national security under the rule of Chinese President Xi Jinping.
The authorities used this as justification to suppress and further crack down on Tibetan religion, culture and intellectuals.
Some would counter this seems strange given that Beijing invests a considerable sum each year to protect Tibet's religious culture.
But that which it protects is a "Sinicized" version of Tibetan religion and culture. And when it comes to warping reality to better suit the Chinese worldview, or by Sinicizing Tibetan Buddhism and assimilating Tibetans, the government has shown it has no issue with shelling out Renminbi.
The problem is that this is no longer authentic Tibetan Buddhism, but an amended version that has been politicized or imbued with a different ideology.
However, the Tibetan language does not exist merely to serve the whims of the CCP; it is designed to allow Tibetans to express themselves freely.
This expression is not only a reiteration of history and a display of tradition, but more importantly the manifestation of feeling, thinking and having certain desires for one's own country.
Unfortunately, Tashi's case once again proves that Tibetans do not have the right to fully or freely express themselves.
As the CCP continues to enforce what is effectively colonial rule in Tibet, the local culture is starting to serve as a tool for the ruling power, something that can be bent and exploited rather than protected and developed.
Tibetan monasteries, which rank among the chief storehouses of this Chinese province's traditional culture, must be a constant eyesore for the CCP, especially as monks are responsible for inheriting and carrying forward Tibetan culture.
Chinese authorities have expelled monks from monasteries, imposed restrictions on the number and age of monks that can reside in them, and introduced Communist Party organizations to manage temple affairs.
In addition, many young people worry about what tragic fate lies in store for the Tibetan language and culture, with Tashi's case seeming to crystallize all these fears.
But when they voice their concern the government reverts to its default setting by threatening to sue them for "inciting separatism" and then throwing them in jail.
As the CCP's policy appears to be eliminating any notion that Tibet was once a separate nation, successive Chinese governments have continued advancing toward this so-called "magnificent" goal.
This means that people like Tashi, who just want to protect their mother tongue and culture, as seen as obstacles to be removed and severely punished.
Under such circumstances the outcome of any advocacy aimed at protecting Tibet's religious culture can only mirror the fate of Tashi, who now has to spend the next five years locked in a cell for an imagined crime he did not commit.
Such a tragic reality may be beyond the comprehension of many people living in countries that are governed by the rule of law, but for Tibetans, this is not the first case of its kind and it certainly will not be the last.

Song Jieja is a Tibetan writer, commentator and former Chinese spokesman of the exiled Tibetan government. He is currently studying in Spain.

2018年6月12日 星期二

【評論】對無罪者的審判:西藏語言及文化保護者紮西旺秀案


8 June 2018
【評論】對無罪者的審判:西藏語言及文化保護者紮西旺秀案
藏人行政中央官方網站呼籲釋放紮西旺秀。
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有中國學者承認,西藏在中共的統治下,正遭受著政治帝國主義和文化帝國主義的雙重迫害。特別進入廿一世紀後,中共大力催生中國的民族主義極端思想,西藏人更加能感受到兩股帝國主義的壓力無處不在,日益嚴重。
因此,很多藏人為拯救瀕臨滅亡的西藏文化而開展各類活動。從自覺學習、教授藏語,及呼籲大家關心西藏文化外,也開始通過中國的法律系統或者國家允許的渠道,進行呼籲,希望引起中央高層的重視。
然而,由於中國政府不遵守國際法,又經常踐踏自己的法律,因此,藏人利用法律捍衛自身權利的後果是悲慘的,其結果往往是因「國家分裂罪」而遭拘捕和判刑。這與中國政府推行的「西藏宗教文化安全威脅論」有著直接的關係。
二零一六年一月廿七日,《紐約時報》的一部紀錄片,報道了西藏語言及文化保護者紮西旺秀(又稱紮西唯色),對地方政府未能保護和促進西藏文化、語言的訴訟後,紮西旺秀被任意拘留。
中國政府對紮西旺秀未經判決拘留近兩年,並於今年一月四日對其案件進行開庭審理。
國際社會對案件非常關注,多國均希望派代表旁聽審理。而當時美國、德國、加拿大、英國和歐盟的使館官員更從北京到玉樹要求旁聽,卻遭拒絕。
梁小軍是紮西旺秀的代表律師之一,他後來指出:「紮西唯色認為自己只是在對玉樹地方政府在藏語教學方面的措施和方案,提出自己的觀點和意見,沒有煽動分裂國家的意圖和行為,我們都給他做無罪辯護。法庭辯護表達充分,我認為他們也都認真聽取了我們的觀點。」
梁小軍還補充說:「是在行使自己作為中華人民共和國公民的權利,藏族人也是中國公民。」
在法庭上的紮西旺秀,以及他的律師梁小軍和藺其磊,堅持紮西旺秀無罪,法庭當時沒有宣判。
五月廿二日早上,玉樹中院宣布了對紮西旺秀的判決。梁小軍在其社交媒體上發了判決的消息說:「紮西唯色以煽動分裂國家罪被判處有期徒刑五年。」
他又說:「北京律師正處於年度考核期,對於紮西唯色案件,本人將堅決貫徹司法局指示精神,謝絕外媒採訪。」
他重申:「但因本人本著法律的精神而堅持認為紮西唯色無罪,對這樣的判決結果,本人的態度參照中國政府對南海仲裁的態度。」
兩位辯護律師在法庭上證明了紮西旺秀無罪;而且,法院宣判之後他們仍堅信紮西旺秀無罪。
中國政府宣判紮西旺秀五年徒刑後,國際社會一致認為,僅僅呼籲政府加強母語教育,就被裁定為「煽動分裂國家罪」,是「相當荒謬」。
《紐約時報》發言人表示:「中國政府的這種做法,發出了一個令人心寒的信息,意在壓制批評政府的人」。
美國國務院特別發表聲明指出,對紮西旺秀的宣判「深感失望」,並要求立即釋放他。
西藏人權與民主促進中心,強烈譴責中國政府對紮西旺秀的無理指控:「紮西旺秀的判決對中國《憲法》和《民族區域自治法》,是巨大的諷刺,這兩項法律都包含有關保護民族語言和文化的條款。中國的其它法律和條例也為西藏人提供使用、學習自己語言的選擇。
中心並指出:「中國政府視『少數民族』語言權利對『國家穩定』和『民族團結』有害,是沒有任何根據,且毫無意義。」
為什麼一位普通的西藏商人,只是向中央有關部門要求實施西藏語言和文化教育政策,最終卻換來五年徒刑呢?
中國人根深蒂固的「非我族類、其心必異」的觀念,加上習近平執政後,中共不公開認定西藏宗教文化對國家安全的威脅,並以此為理據指導對西藏文化和宗教實施全方位的打壓政策,加大打擊西藏文化和知識界。
讀者或許會問:中國政府不是每年投入大量資金保護西藏宗教文化嗎?
中國政府保護的,是「中國化」西藏宗教和文化;更準確說是「中共化」的西藏宗教和文化。好像為了宣傳中國特色的西藏佛教、同化藏人,政權確實不惜大灑人民幣。但問題是,中國特色的佛教已不再是西藏佛教。
西藏語言的使命,並非僅僅為中共統治者服務,而是西藏人的自我表述。「這種表述並非只是複述歷史和表演傳統,更重要的是,對本民族現實處境的感受、思考和訴求。」紮西旺秀案再次證明,西藏人沒有自我表述的權利。
由於中共在西藏實施殖民統治,西藏文化只是作為政權統治的工具,而非真正想保護和發展。
因此,西藏寺院作為傳統文化的中心;僧人們作為西藏的知識分子,都因承擔起傳承和弘揚西藏文化的責任,故怎不成為中共的眼中釘?故此,政權開展驅逐僧侶、限制僧侶人數和年齡、黨組織管理寺院事務等。
除了僧侶外,還有很多像紮西旺秀一樣擔心西藏文化命運的年輕人,從自己的成長經歷中,切身感受到西藏語言文化的悲慘命運。他們發出吶喊時,中共政府即以一貫手段,以「萬能」的「煽動分裂國家罪」,打他們入黑牢。
由於中共政府對西藏的既定政策,是要消滅西藏民族;因此,歷屆政府針對藏族政策都是一步步朝這「宏偉」目標推進。而紮西旺秀他們,要保護西藏語言文化,即是阻礙了中共既定政策的實施,因此,進行嚴懲,是勢在必行。
在這樣的背景下,任何保護西藏宗教文化者的結局,就是紮西旺秀結局──「煽動分裂國家罪」。
對很多生活在法治國家的人來說,這是不可思議的;但對西藏人來說,這並非首案,也不會是最後一案。
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撰文:桑傑嘉,一位藏族作家及時事評論員。
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