2014年6月27日 星期五

既禁藏人转山,又赚游客银子(唯色)

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(图片来源:唯色提供)



























今年藏人不得朝圣神山冈仁波齐,但中国各地的游客却不受制于禁止转山的“潜规则”,被藏人网友批评:“明白(摆)着是制止当地人去转山,因为其他地方的人可以在户口所在地办理边防证。公然践踏宗教自由的法律。限制部分族群的性质已经是一种隔离政策!”不过,与此同时,出现在新浪微博上的另一个消息,说明各地游客成了早已将冈仁波齐收入囊中的北京公司挣钱的目标。
西藏自治区旅游局4月29日发布的公告称:“即日起前往阿里地区旅游的持区外身份证国内散客(包括骑行游、自驾游和港澳散客)将实行指定接待社就地组团制度。”明确宣布五家旅行社(包括承包神山冈仁波齐的旅游公司)作为赴阿里的国内散客的指定接待社;另外两家旅行社为赴阿里港澳散客指定接待社。并且,每团不得少于3人且须配备导游。
从事旅游的网友报告:“5月28日至6月27日藏历四月萨嘎达瓦月期间,将执行旅行局之前所发公告,在此期间转山必须报团(指定五家旅行社),每天限制1500人,巴嘎和塔钦的检查站将会有普兰县旅游局执法人员检查,以上消息官方未公布,但都是从检查站得到的第一手信息。”据网友披露,去往转山路上有16个检查站,大北线一路也处处设点检查,没有边防证插翅难飞。
网友叫苦说:“无语了 导游费600/天 司机和导游住餐补贴400/天 报备办证100元/人 门票自理 吃住自理 十天 2万”。有网友骂道:“……硬性组团,硬性配导游,外加上不知道冈仁波齐那是不是已经连同玛旁雍措捆绑收门票了,为了圈钱不顾一切的操蛋政府!”有去过冈仁波齐转山的游客说:“冈仁波齐门票150(元)。神湖(玛旁雍措)也是150(元)。”
2011年7月初,因有刚去过冈仁波齐的游客在微博上披露,神山的转山道上正在拓宽路基、修筑公路,不久各种车辆可从山脚下直达半山腰,并已见到竖起的电缆杆。为此我做了调查,获知总部在北京的国风集团下属的西藏旅游股份有限公司,“承包”了西藏的神山冈仁波齐和圣湖玛旁雍措,将其设为旅游区;并将神山和圣湖设为发行股票的诱饵,归之为“西藏阿里神山圣湖旅游区开发项目”,该项目“包括景区开发、酒店建设、环保车购置、制氧厂等其他设施建设等”。
我当时写了一份题为《请制止用神山圣湖牟利的“开发”》的呼吁书,强调:“步行环绕神山和圣湖,是延续了难以计数之岁月的信徒朝圣方式,要的就是通过步行的‘劳其筋骨’达到宗教境界的升华,绝不需要公路、游览车等。相反,公路、游览车只是为着引来尽可能多的猎奇者,按当代文化人类学的理论,是一种‘旅游帝国主义’行为,造成的是对神山圣湖的亵渎和毁坏。……目前在藏地疯狂进行的各种开矿、筑坝、旅游等‘开发’,正在对藏民族的神山圣湖和宗教文化,对西藏高原的生态系统,同时也在对全球生态造成难以挽回的毁灭。”
藏学家Elliot Sperling(艾略特·史伯岭)先生以《关于神山的呼吁》一文表示响应,认为这“是一个令人压抑的例子,关于一个本来神圣的历史遗迹的商业化……出于利益来践踏这处宗教名胜,并不只是对藏人的又一次侮辱,对于将神圣的冈仁波齐看作湿婆(Siva)的居所,而来朝拜和绕行的印度朝圣者来说,也是一记耳光。”
学者何清涟女士也撰文《请留住西藏》,指出:“其实藏人居住之地早就不能幸免‘发展’之害。……由于西藏的政治特殊性,有关西藏的环境生态被破坏等问题比内地的环境事件更敏感,很不容易见诸报道,……北京要想真正挽留住西藏,就要真正尊重西藏人民的宗教信仰,停止将西藏人民心目中神圣的寺庙与神山当作‘旅游资源开发’。”
作家郑义先生也撰文《为藏人保留最后一块净土》,指出:“转山在没有信仰的人看来是毫无意义的,但是在笃信佛教的藏人看来,朝圣能洗尽罪孽,使生命得以纯净、升华。我们可以想象一番修通了公路、建好了旅游饭店之后,将是一幅怎样的景象。各种现代交通工具载来成千上万的猎奇者,他们带着凡俗世界的五光十色、做快餐式的到此一游,他们是游山玩水,绝不是神山圣湖的虔诚崇拜者,足迹所到之处再也不会保留丝毫神圣,直白地说,就是亵渎神圣。……把神圣的冈仁波齐和玛旁雍措列入旅游开发项目,正是名副其实的新殖民主义和旅游帝国主义。……我们已经把汉地的名山圣水尽数商业化、庸俗化,把人迹所到之处全部污染、破坏,我们能不能为藏族弟兄保留这最后一块净土?冈仁波齐和玛旁雍措是属于全人类的。”
不过对于去冈仁波齐的游客们来说,这样的“旅游帝国主义者”当得不轻松。如果“萨嘎达瓦”期间去阿里,一人需花费2万元,每天1500人即花费3000万元,而“萨嘎达瓦”30天即可有9亿元的收入,不知道这5家或7家旅行社将从中分红多少。当然也不会有这么多人真愿掏出这么多银子,而且有去过西藏旅游的游客并未加入指定的旅行社,而是找之前认识的汉人司机,过检查站时靠关系免去罚款,总共花费近6千元,不过这是个别。事实上,正如网友所说,“其实就是官商勾结圈钱”。
(文章只代表特约评论员个人的立场和观点)

「請問要上三樓嗎?」

作者:長平



2010年我和幾個朋友參觀台灣高雄歷史博物館,講解員是當地一位退休中學歷史老師,他先問我們要不要看第三樓的展覽——抬頭看海報可知,第三樓正在展出西藏流亡政府的歷史。講解員說,幾天前由上海高校歷史學者組成的一個參觀團,到了這裏首先對他聲明說:「我們不要上三樓!」

歷史學者遇到在國內難得看見的歷史資料,第一反應竟然是堅決不看,顯然讓那位教了一輩子歷史的講解員感到不解。他也由此了解到中國大陸自我審查如何深入骨髓,可能會禮貌地提示每一位來自大陸的參觀者:「請問要上三樓嗎?」這個荒謬而又可悲的歷史畫面,已然意外地成了這場展覽的構件。

畫面在移動,鏡頭落在了台灣人的臉上。講解員問:「請問要上三樓嗎?」台灣人也堅決地回答:「不!」這就是最近發生在台灣誠品連鎖書店的新聞。據稱這家連鎖書店擬進軍大陸巿場,於是將涉及西藏及人權的書籍在香港誠品分店下架,其中包括藏族作家唯色和西藏問題學者王力雄的作品。

在商言商,不碰政治,這是一個很好的理由。問題是,當你的「商」是出售文化產品時,「不碰政治」事實上是深陷政治,與統治者合作謀殺思想。有些「商」不直接謀殺思想,比如房地產,但是在與政府合謀時,也不存在純粹的「在商言商」。

誠品書店可以找到更好的理由。我知道,作為知識分子,那些來自上海高校的歷史學者對自己行為的辯解,不會僅僅是「我們膽小怕事,甘為五斗米折腰」。他們會用更好的、甚至崇高的理由來安慰自己及說服別人:我們謹言慎行,是為了守住在體制內的位置,發揮更大的作用。他們會指責一些不肯自我審查、大膽發言而被當局打壓的同行說:因為一時衝動,爭強好勝,現在連溫和地對學生講授知識的機會都沒有了,還讓家人擔驚受怕、生活陷入困境,是不負責任的行為。

在極權統治之下,隨處可以聽見這種高明的生存哲學。有一些滿懷理想與激情的青年人,也信以為真,為了讓體制內增加一份良知而進入體制,成為政府官員。有些人和政府合作了幾十年,自己早已經成為不義體制的受益者和維護者,甚至當了高級官員,還有人相信他們是在臥薪嘗膽,忍辱負重,一旦大權在握,必定重振朝綱。

自我審查沒有邊界。今天不上第三樓看西藏流亡政府展覽,明天可能也不肯上第二樓了,因為那裏的台灣本地歷史資料有台獨傾向。後天呢,一樓也不應該去,因為那裏關於「二二八」的歷史解釋,雖然也在譴責國民黨,但是跟中國大陸教材上的說法不完全一致。

誠品書店和大多自我審查者一樣,不願相信這樣的事實。他們往往為自己的退讓設置了紅線,心想越過紅線就堅決不幹。事實上,這條紅線會隨著利益的糾結與變化而移動。今天為了兩千萬的利益讓西藏及人權書籍下架,明天為了兩億元的利益,可以讓習近平講話讀本佔據書店每一個顯眼的位置嗎?

2014年6月15日 星期日

Troubled Times: Voices of Tibetan Refugees, Part 4

中国数字时代

This is the final post in a four-part series. Read Part 1Part 2 and Part 3.
Kyisang
Kyisang (Photo courtesy Tang Danhong)
In the summer of 2010, writer and filmmaker Tang Danhong and the young Tibetan translator Sangjey interviewed older Tibetan refugees in India, people who had fled their homes as the People’s Liberation Army entered Tibetan areas and slowly tightened Beijing’s grip. Some of the interviewees joined the Tibetan volunteer army Chushi Gangdruk in its armed rebellion against the Chinese Communists, with the aid of the CIA. Others told harrowing stories of imprisonment, flight, and survival. The refugees Tang interviewed called this period Dulog Yung, the “Troubled Times.”
Last summer, Tang began to publish some of the interviews, translated by Sangjey into Chinese, on her blog, Moments of Samsara. Today, CDT begins a weekly four-part series of excerpts from three interviews, translated into English.
Tang hopes to make a documentary from the interviews, and welcomes correspondence from filmmakers via Twitter@DanHongTang.
Kyisang was born in the 1920s to a herding family in Jyekundo, Amdo (Jiegu Township, Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Qinghai). As a young man, he became the right hand man to the chief of the Lutri tribe in Nangchen, Kham (Yushu). Kyisang experienced the Chinese Communist Party’s wooing, then terrorizing of the Tibetan leadership. In his interview, Kyisang recalls his time in prison and his escape to India.
In the first part of Kyisang’s interview, he talked about the arrival of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and his imprisonment. Kyisang found a chance to escape when a soldier sent him unaccompanied to deliver a package of documents. All Kyisang had to do was take off his hat, and he looked just like a soldier. With this simple disguise, he approached a PLA camp.
I went straight to ask where I could find the head of the military camp. I found out he was in a big building. Once I found him, I placed that stack of documents in front of him and said, “I need to deliver these documents. They told me to borrow a horse from you here.” He looked over the papers and said, “Okay. Go take a horse from the stable.” I walked out of that building, and when I was approaching the stable, I was so excited that I felt like I was floating, flying through the air. I staggered along for a few steps, then stopped to compose myself. “Today my chance really has come!” I said to myself. I picked out the best horse in the stable, strapped a saddle on it and led that horse right out of the camp. As soon as we were gone, we galloped like crazy. We passed one ridge and sped off towards the deep mountains.
After riding for a while I came across an area with good grass and water. I let the horse graze while I walked alone to the top of a nearby peak to survey my surroundings. No one was coming after me. I thought to myself, if I follow the highway, I’ll surely be caught by the Han. So I decided to ride north. I rode for five or six days with nothing to eat. Riding a horse on an empty stomach, you can feel your lungs and liver tumbling around inside you; after a certain level of hunger, you start to see stars and your vision blurs. When I could absolutely go no further, I stopped to drink some mountain water. I could feel the water flowing directly from my stomach into my intestines. My steps grew heavier and heavier. In the past, I had heard stories about people riding into the wilderness and starving to death. I thought I’d surely suffer the same fate. I eventually came across a fur-lined jacket left behind by herders. I gnawed on the coat—it was all I had to eat for seven days. For seven days, I came across not a single person or village.
Along the way in the mountain valleys, I saw the remains of seven or eight people who had been killed. Only their bones remained—their flesh had been completely eaten away by wild animals. I used to fear dead bodies. After escaping from prison and seeing all those dead bodies on the road, I completely lost any fear I once had.
On the eighth day, I finally came across Ge’gyai Lhamo Gom Monastery. As I arrived at the monastery, someone screamed, “A Han is here! A Han is here!” I quickly yelled back, “I’m not Han. I’m Tibetan!” I told them I went to the meeting at Kyegundo, that the Han captured me, and that I had escaped from prison. They still didn’t believe me, so I began naming the chiefs and lamas who were detained along with me, I told them this one and that one were in prison, and they finally believed me. Then they gave me food. I told them I wanted to continue moving along, but they wanted me to stay, saying that if we came across any trouble, we would all be in it together. I told them, “If you want to flee, you can come with me, but if you want to stay, I’ll have to go on by myself.” They said they couldn’t leave at the moment. They then preparedtsampa, cheese, and jerky for me, so much I finally said, “I don’t need it, I don’t need it.” They still crammed food into my packs.
I kept riding for ten more days. Then I arrived at a place called Loblan Tang in Nagqu, Amdo, where I finally caught up to Lutri Sonam Dakpa and our tribe! They had heard I had died a while back. Some people said I’d been shot, others that I was beaten to death during a public denounciation. Because of this, they had already made funeral arrangements and had held Buddhist rites for me. They were so excited to see me, and we embraced. “I knew you were a fighter—I knew you’d get out!” someone said.
When I caught up with the tribe, Chief Lutri Sonam Dakpa said, “If we are going to fight back against the Han, we must carve a path of blood from here to India.”
…It was summer when we came to Gongarab, and the surroundings were very lush. Here we set up camp to rest. One day when the sun was about to set behind the mountains, we suddenly heard da da da–the sounds of gunfire, machine guns—coming from the Lutri Wangzin family encampment on the grassy slope across the way. After hearing the gunfire, the tribe’s brave men grabbed their guns and ran over. When they arrived at the Lutri Wangzin family tent, they saw Lutri Wangzin had already been killed. The whole family had been killed. Only Asha was still alive. The Han had already left the scene. Earlier that day, a small child from the Lutri Wangzin family had died, so they had invited one of the tribe’s lamas over to conduct funeral rites. Then the Han arrived and started shooting towards their tent. Lutri Wangzin said to Asha, “Go fight with my gun on your back and your gun in your hands.” Asha’s wife started running with her son in her arms. She was killed as she ran. Seeing this, Asha ran over, grabbed his son and continued fighting and running. He ran and ran until his legs could go no farther, and, taking a look down at his son, he saw that the child was already dead. The child’s intestines were falling out, wrapping around his legs… That little boy was very young, about two years old or so. He still couldn’t talk.
The dead of their household included Lutri Wangzin, Asha’s wife and child, as well as the lama who had come to conduct funeral rites and a yogi. All were killed. Only Asha survived.
We continued on to Luchu Wangpo, which was already not too far from India. One day, we saw a tent in the distance. It was a Han tent, with three PLA soldiers inside. Another was up in the mountains hunting. We charged over. The three PLA soldiers in the tent realized we were coming and came out firing, killing three of us. Minyap Dadrup and I charged to the very front, firing towards the PLA soldiers as fast as we could. But the closer we got, the worse our accuracy became. I said to Minyap Dadrup, “Is it that we’re not brave enough?” I had a good gun at the time. I steadied myself for a moment, took aim and fired. I heard that PLA soldier scream, “Wa!” I had killed him. We fired a few more shots, and the other side ceased their fire. It seemed they had run out of ammunition. Minyap Dadrup and I charged over and saw that one of the soldiers had been hit in the hand. Another was an officer. The insignia and badges on his shoulder and chest sparkled. We killed these two PLA soldiers. This officer had a large entourage with him, but none were at the tent. We took all of that officer’s belongings, including his uniform. We took three rifles and a machine gun. Minyap Dadrup took the machine gun. After that, we were no longer followed by any Han.
…Nowadays I read scripture and pray every day. Without sin there would be no good; committing sin can inspire one to do good. Doing good can negate sin. I killed many people in the past. I killed seven Tibetans alone. And I killed many while fighting with the Han. I even butchered many cattle and sheep. I am a sinner. Now I pray to escape the cycle of reincarnation, to attain Buddhahood.
Back when I was fighting, I once said to my comrades, “The Han Communists are the enemies of the Dharma, and especially the enemy of the Tibetan people. Not only is it not a sin to kill a Han, but it’s as virtuous as building a stupa. So we must kill as many Han as possible.” But I now think that while the policies of the Communist Party are bad, as individuals, we are all the same. Those Han Communists also have families, wives and children. And I truly regret it. I regret killing all of those Han.
Translation by Little Bluegill.
June 13, 2014 12:00 AM
Posted By: 

http://chinadigitaltimes.net/2014/06/troubled-times-voices-tibetan-refugees-part-4/

2014年6月14日 星期六

《翻身乱世:流亡藏人访谈录》之 康区炉霍 彭措(四)


彭措:1937年生于西藏康区“霍尔章谷”,父亲是哲霍大部首领“哲霍仓”的末位传承。彭措于1957年加入起义游击队,1960年流亡印度。现居住在印度喜马偕尔贝日流亡藏人定居点。















12. 十多户牧民全被杀了

我们部落由原头人的弟弟戈达丹增带领,和旺钦多巴的人马一起继续赶路。队伍中相继加入了娘荣人、甘孜人等。由于那时我们的头人戈达仓很有名,所以大家都来投靠戈达仓。在当时的情况下,十多二十人是无法走的,所以大家组合成一支队伍一起走。后来,又遇上了德格人、扎西卡人等,大家都有枪、有驮马,一起在羌塘草原上辗转,骑着马边走边打、边打边走:我们打死解放军,解放军也打死我们的人。我们差不多每天都有两三个人被打死,一路上汉人已无处不在。

在走出囊谦地界之前,我们经过了一个好像叫阿查杂麻的地方,看到草原上有十几家牧民都被汉人杀了。帐篷东倒西歪,看尸体像是被手榴弹炸死的,有的尸体是蹲着的姿势。他们的牧狗还活着,因为它们有足够的人肉可食,变得很凶猛,看情形这场剿杀发生在一个月前,那些牧民全部被打死了……

我们经过上扎西卡到了果洛。旺钦多巴部落不想再继续走了,他们决定留在这里,也劝我们留下来。大家开了会讨论,我舅舅说:“不能停留,我们是打不过汉人的。如果你们不走的话,你们留。我们要接着走。”于是我们的部落继续赶路,要奔拉萨去。同旺钦多巴部落分手的第二天,我们在奈阿琼的地方又遇上了汉人部队,这一仗我们打得比较好,杀了不少解放军。

接下来我们遇上了德格坝琼部落的坝琼纳罗等几个人,他们是一些非常勇敢的人。那些人带着牛皮筏,是专门渡金沙江用的。快到曲麻热丹时又遇上了汉人围剿,这次我中枪受了伤,我的马也中了枪,但没死。我们跑到了曲麻热丹,在这里渡过了金沙江,渡江时就是用的坝琼纳罗的牛皮筏子。牛皮筏一次装不了很多人,而且牛皮湿了后不能用,只能烧火烤干再用。也没有浆,我们用木碗当浆用。所以我们渡江用了七天时间。过了江我们就沿着金沙江往拉萨方向走,当时我们还不知道拉萨已经沦陷了,虽然此前汉人的传单上说了拉萨已被他们占领,但我们根本不信。

快到甘丹曲科寺时,我们遇见一些人,他们说不要去甘丹曲科寺,汉人已经占领了拉萨,达赖喇嘛已经去了印度。你们想办法去印度吧,拉萨已经沦陷了。
我们只好向北方走,在羌塘又遇到了汉人,在这次打仗的过程中,我的俗人舅舅战死了。我们是经洛曲木加扎的地方到印度的。1957年离开家乡,1960年到的印度,一共用了三年时间。

13.家破人亡

一直到1978年,我与家人互相都音信全无。由于汉人曾经宣布,他们已经把我们这伙抵抗者消灭在了金沙江源头,没剩一个活口,所以家里人一直以为我死了。当时也不能举行宗教活动为我超度,家人只能把酥油灯偷偷地点在水桶中,偷偷哭。

1978年,我去加尔各答做生意。在加尔各答有一个我认识的甘孜人,他说:“最近可以给家里写信了。”
我问:“是真的么?”
他说:“是真的。如果你想给家里写信,你就把信写好,我可以去找加尔各答的汉人帮忙写汉文地址。”他说信首先会发到成都,再被送到炉霍县上。
他说:“你可以把你们全家人的名字写在信上,总会找到一个的。”

我给家里写了一封信,信中放了两张达赖喇嘛的小照片。几个月以后,我收到了回信,当时我在拉达克。信里说:知道你还活着,家里人都非常高兴!信中还写了,父母和姨妈他们已经去世了,小兄弟等人还活着。就这样,我在离家二十年后,知道了家里人的消息。

1982年我回了家乡探亲。我是从甘孜坐一辆汽车去炉霍的,家人等在路边。当我下车跟他们拥抱时,我们哭泣了起来。司机停下车来,问出了什么事?旁人说他们是家人,分离二十多年后初次团圆,而且家里没剩下几口人了,车上的汉人们听了也流下泪来……这么多年没有音信,此刻看见家人,没有两个年龄比我大的了,剩下的年龄都比我小,脸色黝黑,身体瘦如木柴,我们都哭得晕了过去……(受访者泣不成声)

回到村里时,县政府的人已经等在了我们家,他们拿了一些毡子、被子、面粉和油之类的,叫家人招待我,同时也警告我的家人说:“你们不许乱讲话,不许说遭了什么困难之类的。”
从家人口中,我知道了家里曾经发生的一切:

部落里的男人被抓得所剩无几。除了几个外,被抓的人都死在了八美、新都桥等地的监狱中。幸存的那几个也在监狱中被关了十几年、甚至二十年。我们兄弟姐妹七个,我是老二,姐姐和妈妈都在1961年饿死了。父亲先是被押送到八美,后来被押送到了新都桥监狱,就再也没有回来。那次探亲我见到了一位和父亲一起关押的老人,他说父亲是由于没有吃的,身体浮肿而死的。

父亲被关在八美时,我有两个弟弟流浪到了八美,他们天天行乞给父亲送食物。这两个弟弟一个比我小三岁,当时十六岁,一个比我小十二岁,当时四岁。后来父亲被转移了,他们不知道父亲被送到哪里去了,两个弟弟行乞到了木雅,那里的人家没有遭没收财产等厄运,经济条件比其他地方好很多,他们就在那里给人当了入赘女婿。

我还有个小弟弟,我上山时他还不会走路。这个小弟弟在家里,还有两个妹妹在家里。家里啥都没有,连起码的餐具也没有。只有一头牛,说是自留牛。他们吃饭是在食堂吃的。

我姐夫家原先是个大户人家。姐夫的父亲被押送到了八美,姐夫的母亲饿死了。姐夫当时被“戴帽子”,他们说戴了“帽子”就不许看、也不许说话。姐姐家里也没有人了,孩子们都流浪各地。

我们的家乡被改成了合作社。汉人说:“你们只能在农业和牧业中选一样。”我家里的人想:在农区什么也没有,牧区相对还可以找些吃的,就选择了牧业。但是牧区也是合作社,个人没有牛羊,牛羊都是合作社的。探亲时我见到,家里条件非常差,没有几样东西。

14. 请把骨头还给我

我探家的时候,炉霍县长叫我去县上说要登记,在县上他们安排了有炉霍县长等官员的接待会。官员中职位最高的是一个汉人,其他都是藏人,他们接待得很好。这些官员问我:“你们家现在情况怎么样?”

我回答说:“如果要问印度的情况,我可以告知你们。可是要问我家的情况,你们都是在这里生活的人,应该比我还清楚。我家里没有一个年龄比我大的还活着,母亲饿死了,姐姐也饿死了。除了中国,我还没听说过哪儿有饿死人的事。我父亲被你们押到八美后,活不见人,死不见尸。我从印度回来,就是为了见父亲的,也许父亲还活着。如果活着请你们让我去见见他,如果他死了,请把骨头还给我。我不会找中国政府的麻烦,我们是佛教徒,印度是佛教圣地,我可以在印度为我父亲做法事超度。所以,如果他还活着,请交人;如果他死了,请把骨头还给我。我没有别的要求。”

官员们没有回答我的问题,把话题往别的方面引。我弟弟一直在拽我的衣服,悄声说:“你不要说了,哥哥你不要说了。”我弟弟他们非常怕汉人。我说:“没关系,不要怕他们!”然后,我禁不住哭了,我说:“我从国外回来,是来看我的父母的。我母亲已经饿死了,见不着了,今天你们一定要让我见一见父亲。全世界都有监狱,也有死刑,印度也有,但是会讲清楚犯罪原因,而且家人也可以收尸。今天请中国政府解释一下,我父亲犯了哪一条罪?什么罪不能收尸?我活要见人,死要见尸。”

他们没有回答我。然后,那个汉人官员说了几句话,他们开始问我其他的问题:“你在家乡的这些天,需要什么帮助吗?我们会尽量提供帮助的。你若想回来,我们欢迎你,住牧区或者去农区你都可以自由选择。你的孩子有文化,我们可以给他们安排工作。”

我回答说:“我的子女不需要什么工作。在印度,拜达赖喇嘛的恩惠,我们过得非常好,我回来也没什么能力。你们若真的想帮助,就应该帮助我在这边的家人,他们在这里生活,而且也顺服了中国,你们若真想帮助,就应该帮助你们的公民,他们的日子非常贫困艰难。我和你们之间无法沟通,我不需要你们的帮助。”

他们马上问:“他们说有困难吗?”我说:“不需要他们说,我自己有眼睛可以看。不只是我们家,整个那个地方的人都非常贫穷,看上去使人心痛。”对我的这些话,他们也没有什么回应。

然后他们又说:“你在这里已经呆了几个月,回去后要老实讲所见所闻。”

我说:“那当然,达赖喇嘛告诫我们不要说假话,不可撒谎,所以我是不会撒谎的。你们说民族平等,但是事实上民族并不平等。例如,从甘孜到达孜多(康定),每天发一辆班车。我在甘孜车站时,看到很多藏人等了好几天,他们来自炉霍等地。排队买车票时,他们排在前,汉人排在后,但售票员却先卖给后面的汉人,而排在前的、等了半天的藏人却买不到票。在班车上,藏人没有座位,一路站着,而汉人都有座位。这叫民族平等么?我没有见过这样的事。我们虽然流亡印度,没有自己的国家,但谁先到,谁先买票。

再比如,在炉霍有一家供销社,售货员是一个汉人妇女。牧民们从很远的地方来买东西,在商店门口等几天都买不到,那个汉人妇女根本不理这些牧民,自己在那里织毛衣。买鞋不让牧民试,不管是否合适。她说:‘你的脚脏,不能试穿。’脚肯定是脏的,生活条件如此之差,脚还能保持干净?这就是我的所见所闻,我会一五一十讲的。你们去问问当地人,你们县长都是藏人,你们也有老婆孩子,去问问是不是这样,看我说的是不是事实。”

因为我实话实说了,县上的官员不喜欢我。我还听说,有些汉人对我们家人说我是流亡政府的官员,我说的都是流亡政府的官话。我不知道中国是不是有不识字的干部?在印度,即使大学毕业也当不了官,更别说我这样一字不识的人。我说的是事实,不是什么官话。

虽然我在乱世中,没有办法的情况下造了一些孽(译注:许多曾经抵抗中国统治的藏人,在谈到开过枪、杀伤过中国军人,都称为造孽),但后来我一直遵守因缘道德。我在印度成了家,有了五个孩子。大女儿和小儿子在印度,跟我们在一起;两个女儿在加拿大;一个儿子在美国,他是一个格西。我的外孙是堪布图丹的转世灵童,是多智仁波切认定的。如果我的儿孙们有兴趣听,我会给他们讲我这一生的经历。

先前我之所以不愿意接受采访,是觉得说这些有什么用啊?我也不知道这位记者是不是汉人派来骗人的?我还想再回一次家乡,那边还有我的亲戚们,我也希望叶落归根。我老婆说:“你不要太想家,老是这样你会生病死的。”我对她说:“只要我再能回一次家乡,回来死了我也心甘情愿。”但是你说了,说出来对藏民族有用。只要对藏民族有用,我献出生命也可以。

(完)

采访整理:唐丹鸿
翻译:桑杰嘉
采访地点:印度 贝日
采访时间:20108

2008年的“33号文件”

唯色



2008年的“33号文件”

文/唯色

有一个视频,因为5月22日早上在乌鲁木齐发生的爆炸案,热传网络。据介绍,这个视频是去上海出差的一位维吾尔人,经过机场安检时被要求脱鞋,他质疑为何前面的人不脱鞋,被机场警察告知:因为你是新疆人。这位维吾尔人立即用手机拍下他与机场警察的争论,直言:“今天的爆炸就是你们这些人搞民族歧视造成的。”

这一幕其实并不陌生。我在《西藏:2008》一书中,记录了3月的全藏抗议发生之后,由于官方媒体强烈的歪曲性宣传,致使藏人的形象被打上了忘恩负义的“恐怖份子”的标签,相当多数的中国人因此充满排斥甚至仇恨情绪。一位叫农布的藏人在北京机场准备出境时,被机场工作人员的一句话“嗨,他是藏族人!”便带到单独的房间接受屈辱性的检查和盘问;而我的一位小有官职的朋友,在昆明机场被持枪士兵拦住并向军官报告:“他是藏族,咋个整?”朋友生气地说:“正是因为有你们这样的人,才会发生‘3•14’”。

当时,我在拉萨的朋友说,她的姨姨,一位退休干部想在“十一”长假期间,去长春看望读大学的儿子,可儿子听说饭店旅馆都不让藏人住,就让母亲别来。但母亲思儿心切,无论如何都要去,就想办法复印了一份文件。据说这是“3•14”之后,“中央斯匈”(藏语发音:中央政府)专门下发给各地的指示,其梗概是:祖国大家庭,五十六朵花,都是中华民族,所以不能歧视任何一朵花,否则就是违背了党的民族政策。

退休干部带着最高指示,在这个国家的生日那天,惴惴不安地踏上了遥远的旅程。虽然终于见到了儿子,但还是没能住上饭店旅馆,只得在学校简陋的招待所里将就了几天,显然“中央斯匈”的文件不起作用。

可那到底是个什么样的文件呢?后来,我在“维吾尔在线”网站【1】看见了这份文件,原来叫33号文件,是国务院办公厅于2008年4月23日下发的,其中提到“在近期维护藏区稳定和加强反恐怖工作中,有少数单位在工作中发生违反民族政策的行为,有的机场在安检保卫工作中以民族作为划分对象,有的出租车、宾馆、商店等出现拒载、拒住、拒卖等侵害少数民族群众正当权益的现象,”而这损害了民族团结,必须予以纠正,云云。

中国的国情是,当政府专门下发文件,警示各个单位及人民群众不能这样不能那样的时候,各个单位及人民群众早就这样或那样了,以至于政府不得不下发文件来刹住“歪风邪气”。可是,如果政府下发了文件,各个单位及人民群众依然还在这样或那样,这又为何?是各级官员们走过场,应付国务院,在贯彻文件时虚与委蛇,还是广大人民群众压根儿就不把政府文件当回事儿呢?还是说,这实际上与其来有之的民族歧视有关?从2008年到现在已六年,33号文件当时不管用,如今还是不管用。

注释:

【1】维吾尔在线:是北京中央民族大学副教授、维吾尔知识分子伊力哈木创办的中文网站,屡遭关闭,后移至国外服务器,但被屏蔽。该文件网址原为:http://www.uighurbiz.net/bbs/index.php。2014年1月15日,伊力哈木被捕,“维吾尔在线”网站被关闭。

2014年6月

(本文为自由亚洲电台藏语广播节目,转载请注明。)

2014年6月6日 星期五

Troubled Times: Voices of Tibetan Refugees, Part 3

https://chinadigitaltimes.net/2014/06/troubled-times-voices-tibetan-refugees-part-3/

中国数字时代
This is part three of a four-part series. Read Part 1 and Part 2 here.
Jisang (Photo courtesy Tang Danhong)
Jisang (Photo courtesy Tang Danhong)
In the summer of 2010, writer and filmmaker Tang Danhong and the young Tibetan translator Sangjey interviewed older Tibetan refugees in India, people who had fled their homes as the People’s Liberation Army entered Tibetan areas and slowly tightened Beijing’s grip. Some of the interviewees joined the Tibetan volunteer army Chushi Gangdruk in its armed rebellion against the Chinese Communists, with the aid of the CIA. Others told harrowing stories of imprisonment, flight, and survival. The refugees Tang interviewed called this period Dulog Yung, the “.”
Last summer, Tang began to publish some of the interviews, translated by Sangjey into Chinese, on her blog, Moments of Samsara. Today, CDT begins a weekly four-part series of excerpts from three interviews, translated into English.
Tang hopes to make a documentary from the interviews, and welcomes correspondence from filmmakers via Twitter @DanHongTang.

Kyisang was born in the 1920s to a herding family in Jyekundo, Amdo (Jiegu Township, Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Qinghai). As a young man, he became the right hand man to the chief of the Lutri tribe in Nangchen, Kham (Yushu). Kyisang experienced the Chinese Communist Party’s wooing, then terrorizing of the Tibetan leadership. In his interview, Kyisang recalls his time in prison and his escape to India.
This interview has been broken into two parts. The second part will be published next week.
I was probably born around 1927, because I was 22 or 23 that year when the Tibetans were defeated in Chamdo. My old hometown was really close to Yushu, in a place called Chungchun. When I was ten years old, a conflict broke out within my tribe. My big brother and I killed someone during the fighting, so my father moved our entire family to Drungto inNangchen, where we sought asylum with the Drungto Lutri tribal leader Lutri Sonam Dakpa. After we moved into the Nangchen Lutri tribe, my father was killed by Ma Bufang’s men. When I was 14, I became sworn brothers with Lutri Sonam Dakpa.
Before the Han [ethnic Chinese] Communists arrived, of course I’d experienced a full array of the beauty and hardships of life and death. There were always minor conflicts among the tribes, but generally speaking everyone acted well towards each other—we were respectful of elders and looked out for the children, we revered the gurus, and we were devoted to the Dharma. You could do business, you could go on pilgrimage. We had the freedom to come and go as we pleased. The wealthy families raised over ten thousand sheep and thousands of yaks. The rich helped the poor, providing them with food. People lived their lives freely and without worry. After the Han Communists arrived, they destroyed all of this. From that point on, the Tibetan people were finished.
The Han Communists arrived in our hometown when I was around 23 or 24. They brought with them a large amount of supplies, which we heard were things from the Panchen Lama. Most of it was food, rice, flour, etc. They hired locals to haul the supplies towards Ü-Tsang. We were all very curious, and many of us went to see what these Han Communists looked like. When we saw them, they didn’t seem much different than us. They didn’t wear military clothing—some of them wore dogskin vests, others wore fur-lined coats, and others wore gray-colored clothing. The Han Communists told us, “Communism is very good. You are human, and we are also human. We’re all the same. We believe in Communism… You’ve probably heard people say Communism is bad, or say bad things about Communism, but you mustn’t believe them. That is the slander of spies and bandits. Don’t believe the talk of spies and bandits.” The Han Communists seemed very good-natured and honest. They needed a lot of workers to transport their supplies, and they paid their Tibetan transport workers in large amounts of silver—much more than we would have expected. If the market price was 100, they would pay 1,000, so we were very inclined to work with them. Those Han said, “We should get along like brothers. You all must not listen to the talk of spies and bandits.” They were good talkers. We didn’t notice any malicious intent. And they paid really well, so we all felt like Communism couldn’t be that bad. Like this, the Han Communists were able to hire many local workers.
At that time [after the death of the 13th Dalai Lama], the power [in Tibet] was held by the bureaucratic nobility. If only they had stayed true to the vision of the 5th and 13th Dalai Lamas, Tibet would have never suffered the catastrophe of the Troubled Times. Under the 13th Dalai Lama, foreign ambassadors came to Lhasa. They even established schools. But the nobility didn’t allow foreigners to stay in Lhasa. Instead, they forced the foreigners to leave. The nobility told school children playing soccer that they were actually kicking around Buddha’s head. They closed the schools. They didn’t follow the vision of the 5th and 13th Dalai Lamas, and Tibet started having problems as a result. All of this was caused by those Kashagaristocrats.
The Han established an office at Tsangma Saso. They called it the Shogpa Government. The leader of our nine Greater Drongpa tribes, Panyi, was named Dzatö county head. Panyi became the middleman between the Drongpa Tibetans and the Han Communists. His main job was to show up and mediate when Tibetans opposed something the Han Communists were doing. His salary was 3,000 silver at the time.
My sworn brother, Lutri Sonam Dakpa, was named head of the Shogpa. “You are a good man!” they told him. They had him live at the Shogpa government building, and they gave him a salary of thousands of silverpieces every month. His main job was to hold meetings. During these meetings, he would educate the people of the tribe: “The Communist Party is good, we must listen to the Communist Party,” and so on.
One Tibetan and one Han were appointed to each official position. Although Lutri Sonam Dakpa was the Shogpa head, there was also a Han Shogpa head. Panyi was county head, but there was also a Han county head. At the time, County Head Zhang held the most power. The Han appointed me to the position of “cooperation group” leader, and each month they gave me a salary of 500 silver pieces.
…I went with Chief Panyi to Kyegundo. All the leaders of the Nine Great Tribes of Nangchen went. The meetings were called the “First Conference of the First Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture People’s Representative Congress.” Leaders and high-ranking monks from all of the tribes of Yushu Prefecture took part in the meetings—over 5,000 people in total. The objective of the Han Communists was to gather all revered Tibetan figures in Kyegundo so that no one from any area would oppose them, as the populace in each area would be too concerned about the safety of their important lamas and leaders to revolt. They dared not revolt. This was why the Han Communists called us to the meetings.
The meetings were held in the Kyegundo People’s Auditorium. The subject of the meetings were the same as it was back at the Shogpa government building. They told us that we were to walk the socialist path and establish communes. Wealth was to be shared equally; no one could retain any private property, as all property belonged to everyone. Everyone was to eat together, use public utilities, and labor together. They also repeatedly told us that there was no such thing as reincarnation, and that the lamas were lying to us. If you plant melons, you get melons; if you plant beans, you get beans. When people die they just die, no different from when a dog dies. They also said that the leaders who were once the running dogs of Ma Bufang and Chiang Kai-shek were being allowed to stay in their leadership roles by the Communist Party, even granting us cadre status and high salaries. Now, they said, some of you still forsake the Communist Party, oppose Party policies, and don’t listen, and this is shameful. Opposing the socialist path would be as futile as a praying mantis raising his arms to stop a passing car. Obey Communist Party leadership, and everything will go smoothly. Capitalism is a failure waiting to happen. During the meetings, they made everyone declare that they would uphold and protect the Communist Party. They said a whole mess of things like this.
On the second day of meetings, the Communists suddenly took me, Panyi, and 30 or 40 other people in attendance to a village in Kyegundo called Chuwa Tsang. There, we saw the corpse of Rabshey Chungje. Rabshey Chungje was the leader of the 18 Rabshey tribes. He was also called to attend the meetings. On the night after the first day of the meetings, he and Ayang Dechungescaped on horseback with guns. Their own servants sold them out. First they returned to their home, and after they left, their servants tipped off the Communists. The Han Communists immediately sent people to wait for them at Achila Mountain Pass. Rabshey Chungje and Ayang Dechung rested for the night at the foot of the mountain, and as they attempted to traverse Achila pass at dawn the next morning, Rabshey Chungje was beaten to death. The Communists took us to see the corpse and said, “This is Rabshey Chungje. He was just sitting comfortably at the meeting. He didn’t have to die. But why did he want to flee into the mountains? He had a devil in his heart and considered the Communist Party his enemy. But he had nowhere to run. The Chinese Communist Party is everywhere, the Chinese people are everywhere. He miscalculated, had nowhere to run, and this is the result!”
During the meetings, Panyi and I originally stayed with a local family, the Dorpo family. On that day, the Han Communists said, “It’s not convenient for you to stay in someone else’s home. From today on, do not return. Stay in the housing we’ve provided for you.” “Don’t worry, we’re staying close by,” we replied. “No, it’s better you all stay in the rooms we’ve arranged for you,” they said. We were arranged to stay in a huge building left behind by Ma Bufang’s militiamen. Each large room could fit 70 or 80 delegates. At this point, the Han Communists said, “There’s no need for you to carry weapons. We will keep your weapons for you. Just come pick them up yourself after the meeting is over.” Just like that, we had become prisoners. When we went to the meetings, Han followed us with rifles in hand. Tens of thousands of soldiers surrounded the meeting area—three circles deep! Surrounding the meeting area on all sides were PLA soldiers carrying guns or machine guns. We attended our meetings in the center of this circle of soldiers.
On the third day, the meeting convener announced, “Some of you are in armed rebellion against the Communist Party! In fact, some of these bad people are at this meeting right now, sitting in their chairs, pretending they have no knowledge of this, speaking their innocence more beautifully than if they were to sing it. If you come out and say candidly who organized and planned this insurrection, we’ll be lenient with you. If you don’t, the punishment will be severe!” When the convener finished speaking, no one in attendance uttered a sound.
Then, a Han Communist suddenly said, “Who should have their faces flattened and their fingers smashed? You two!” Panyi and I were grabbed on the spot, and right in front of 5,000 people, we were tied up and beaten. They pulled out our hair and knocked out our teeth. They pointed to the two of us, saying, “You still play dumb! The head of that tribe of yours already ran away with all his belongings—You really expect us to believe that you didn’t know? You and Lutri Sonam Dakpa planned it all out when you were in Dzatö, right? They killed Han and destroyed a Han camp. Now Lutri Sonam Dakpa already ran away with his tribespeople! And you two are here acting like you don’t know, drinking tea and eating snacks. Be honest and fess up. What have you and Lutri Sonam Dakpa planned? What’s your goal, coming out here to this meeting? Tell us everything!”
Here’s what had happened. When Lutri Sonam Dakpa returned to Drongpa, some of the tribe had already fled into the mountains and began revolting against the Han Communists. The Han Communists in Kyegundo quickly learned about our tribe’s resistance and arrested Panyi and me.
Speaking to Panyi, the Han said, “You lead over 5,000 herding families. How could you possibly be unaware of your tribespeople fleeing into the mountains and revolting?” Then, to me, he said, “You are so close with Lutri Sonam Dakpa—you eat and drink together. You are together every day. Now Sonam Dakpa is gone, and you’re still here acting like you don’t know anything about it? I bet you agreed to come here and give him cover, right?”
“If we wanted to revolt, we wouldn’t have come to this meeting. We came here on our own. No one dragged us here with ropes around our necks. We uphold and protect the Communist Party. We have in the past and still do now. When our tribespeople fled, we were here. How could we have known?” we replied.
The two of us remained in captivity, standing alone on one side of the meeting. The Han Communists told the more than 5,000 in attendance that “the 900 million people of the People’s Republic of China are all moving down the bright avenue of socialism, yet these two are walking the path of capitalism. If you still refuse to fess up, you’ll end up like these two. So, everybody, take the initiative to be honest. Admit your mistakes…”
And just like that, we were taken captive.
The meetings proceeded as normal. Those not arrested sat on chairs; those who were arrested could only sit on the floor. The Han Communists said, “You aren’t walking socialist path of the People’s Republic of China. Instead, you’re walking the crooked path of capitalism, so you don’t have the right to sit on chairs!”
Those who were arrested were held in prison. One large cell fit 60 or 70 people, all leaders and lamas who had come to the meeting. When the cell door closed, it was pitch black. We couldn’t see a thing. The Han threw their leftover food into the cell for us to eat along with the water that they used to brush their teeth and wash their faces. Panyi and I were in prison, with no way to find out anything about the situation back home.
One day, we heard the sounds of scrambling and gunfire outside, and then the Han launched a counterattack. Both sides were fighting intensely. Gunfire sounded day and night. From our prison window, we could see a dense mass of people and horses up on the mountains in the distance. They were all Tibetans. From the sounds of their guns, it seemed as if they could attack all of Kyegundo. Then, the Han airplanes arrived. Five or six aircraft began bombing and strafing… Before long everything went quiet. No trace of even a single person could be seen over on the mountains. By then, we were well into the Troubled Times.
In prison, we labored every day. One day I attempted to play dead. I lied down in a pit, looking for an opportunity to run away. But I was discovered and called to work. I said that I had fallen into the pit. I escaped punishment that time, but I realized the chances weren’t good that I could escape by playing dead like this.
While we worked during the day, the prison would send a few Han to bring us lunch. Those people were horrible. Often times they would take the food away before the prisoners had enough to eat. One day, the food was brought to us by a Han from Xining I had known in the past. He used to be one of Ma Bufang’s men. He later defected to the Communist Party. When he saw me, he called me over. Holding a whole bunch of documents in his hands, he said to me, “Take these files over to so-and-so barracks. When you go, make sure to stay on public roads, otherwise you’ll be killed.” At first I refused, saying, “Do I have to be the one to go?” He said, “Go, go, just go. You must remember stay on public roads. If you take random routes or get off the public roads, you’ll be shot on the spot!”
As I walked, I thought to myself: If I don’t make a run for it today, surely I won’t have another opportunity. At that time, us prisoners wore the same clothing as the Han. The only difference was that prisoners had to wear a hat. I kept walking and walking, and about halfway there I passed a military camp. I saw there were a few horses at the camp, and I thought that this was my chance. I took off my hat, put it into my pocket and started toward the camp. [Chinese Source]
Translation by Little Bluegill.
Note: The 5th Dalai Lama was relatively open to the outside world. He visited the Qing court in Peking(Beijing) and received Jesuit missionaries in LhasaBack.
June 6, 2014 12:00 AM
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2014年6月1日 星期日

自焚藏人的遗言是证据

唯色

图为2013年12月19日自焚牺牲的甘肃省夏河县僧人次成嘉措写的遗书,其中写到:“……为了尊者达赖喇嘛返回故土,为了班禅喇嘛获得释放,为了六百万藏人的福祉,我将身体献供于烈火。以此祈愿消除三界众生的苦难,走上菩提之路。”

自焚藏人的遗言是证据

文/唯色

自焚藏人的遗言是理解藏人因何自焚的重要依据。

迄今为止,有51位自焚者的遗言披露于世,有手写,有录音,也有与亲友所说。其中46人身亡,3人生死不明。同时还有多达五六十人被记录下自焚时喊了口号。内容比较一致,包括“让尊者达赖喇嘛回到西藏”、“祈愿尊者达赖喇嘛永久住世”、“西藏需要自由”、“西藏独立”等等。尽管自焚之时发出的心声是最响亮的遗言,但相比之下,事先留下的遗言比在自焚一刻喊的口号具有更多层面。

依据内容,可以将遗言分为9类,并按遗言的每一类所占比重,由低到高,可以得到这样的看法:

1、境内藏人并非以自焚执求国际社会帮助

一个流行看法认为藏人自焚是为了促使国际社会关注西藏。但是通过对遗言的分类,只有三位自焚者提到这一点,在遗言中占的比重最低。其中两位是在境外自焚的藏人。寻求世界支持,呼吁国际社会关注西藏问题,一直是境外藏人的主要目标,也是迄今流亡西藏领导机构的工作重心所在。而西藏境内只有网络作家古珠一人提到,其他自焚者的遗言都未涉及。从这一点可以看出境内外藏人的不同。

2、藏语言文字在藏人心中的分量

多位自焚者的遗言涉及“保护民族语言”,足以反映藏人对民族语言文字状况的不满与焦虑。

另有一位女中学生才让吉,虽然未在遗言中提到藏语言问题,但她是为抗议“汉语为主、藏语为辅”这一教育政策而自焚。在她自焚几天之后,藏地数千名中学生及师范学校学生走上街头,发出“民族平等”、“语言平等”、“本土自主”的呼声。八个月后,留下遗言“发扬西藏语言文字”的格桑金巴自焚第二天,又有数千名藏人学生包括小学生游行、集会,要求“民族平等”、 “语言自由”。

3、自焚并非主要是出于绝望

另外一种相当流行的看法(包括流亡西藏的政治领导人也曾如此宣称)——自焚是出自藏人无法忍受目前处境的绝望选择。这个因素的确存在,但是明确表达这一点的自焚者并不多,因此不应该作为解释自焚行为的主要原因。

4、自焚是一种抗议

有多位自焚者在遗言中明确提出了对当局的抗议和要求,除此还有多人在自焚时呼喊“让尊者达赖喇嘛返回西藏”、“西藏要自由”、 “释放十一世班禅喇嘛”等口号,都是在表达抗议和要求。同时,即使没有留下遗言或口号,自焚行动本身所含的抗议和要求也已不言而喻。

5、关于西藏独立


在遗言中明确要求西藏独立、或者间接认定西藏是独立国家的自焚者有十多位,如果再加上八位虽未留下遗言但在自焚时呼喊西藏独立的口号,另有四人自焚时手持西藏国旗,关于西藏独立诉求所占的比例则会增加,反映出自2008年以来,西藏独立的意识在境内藏人中增长扩散的态势。

6、强调民族认同,呼吁内部团结

表达这个愿望的遗言比较多,这与2008年后在境内藏地兴起的“拉嘎”(Lhakar)运动有关,在尊者达赖喇嘛诞生之日,强调以“讲纯正藏语、穿传统藏装、吃传统藏食”为形式,实质上是一种产生于本土的非暴力不合作方式,以此强化藏人的身份认同与民族精神。

而遗言中呼吁的团结一致,主要是针对境内藏地存在的地区分别、教派争执、部族纠葛、草场纠纷等现象,希望藏人之间突破教派、地域、部族的局限,尤其勿要执着于草场纠纷的自相残杀。

7、最能体现藏民族精神力量的成分

以自焚表达勇气和承担的也比较多。这是一种体现人格力量的英雄主义,是一种通过捍卫尊严、分担痛苦、鼓舞勇气、表达声援、类似涅槃的自我升华。典型的遗言有“他们认为我们害怕武力镇压,他们想错了”(彭措),“昂起你坚强的头,为朗卓之尊严……为恩惠无量的藏人,我将点燃躯体”(朗卓),“要为西藏民族的尊严而自焚”(班钦吉),“愿为一切苦难的有情众生承担痛苦”(日玖),“愿贡献自己的血肉来表示支援和敬意”(索巴仁波切)等,自焚遗言的这一方面,体现出藏民族最为可贵的精神力量。

8、具有宗教性质的供奉及对中共的抵制

以自焚作为对达赖喇嘛的祈愿,居第二位,具有宗教奉献的性质,凝聚了佛教徒舍身求善的信念特征。如索巴仁波切在遗言中表达以寿命和身体供养达赖喇嘛并超度众生。这种宗教精神为多数藏人所具有,也会成为自焚的一种动力。

这同时也是对中国政府不断升级攻击达赖喇嘛,所表达的坚决抗议和抵制。

9、主要是当做一种行动

自焚者表达是把自焚当做一种行动。这是所有分类中比重最高的,与中共十八大期间出现的自焚高峰一样,都在体现自焚者期望通过他们的牺牲,有助于实现解决西藏问题的目标,而非单纯地表达抗议或仅仅是出于绝望。从原本被动等待流亡西藏或国际社会解决西藏问题,到终于觉醒必须靠自己也只有靠自己。至于自焚的行动是否真能有助于解决西藏问题的目标,他们并不清楚,但是如丁增朋措遗言所写的——“无法继续活下去空等”,这句令人心碎的话应该是理解自焚的一把钥匙,值得深思。


需要强调的是,从自焚者遗言中,可以看到藏人要付诸行动的意愿里,没有一丝暴力的痕迹。藏人的佛教信仰,以及尊者达赖喇嘛一直以来关于非暴力的开示,对整个民族形成强大约束力,在自焚行动中的体现即是:宁可自毁,也不伤及他人。相约同时自焚的曲帕嘉和索南用手机录下他们的遗嘱,其中就说“我俩不愿任何人为此而受到伤害……”而这些宁肯烧死自己也不伤害对手的藏人,却被中国政府定性为必须严厉打击的“恐怖分子”、“暴徒”。

 2014年5月

(本文为自由亚洲电台特约评论,相关内容由自由亚洲电台藏语专题节目广播,转载请注明。)

延伸阅读:

49位自焚藏人的遗言 http://woeser.middle-way.net/2013/12/49.html(注:留言中补充了新公布的两则遗言)

Troubled Times: Voices of Tibetan Refugees, Part 2

中国数字时代

Chagdoe Donyon (Photo courtesy Tang Danhong)
Chagdoe Donyon (Photo courtesy Tang Danhong)
This is part two of a four-part series. Read Part 1here.
In the summer of 2010, writer and filmmaker Tang Danhong and the young Tibetan translator Sangjey interviewed older Tibetan refugees in India, people who had fled their homes as the People’s Liberation Army entered Tibetan areas and slowly tightened Beijing’s grip. Some of the interviewees joined the Tibetan volunteer army Chushi Gangdruk in its armed rebellion against the Chinese Communists, with the aid of the CIA. Others told harrowing stories of imprisonment, flight, and survival. The refugees Tang interviewed called this period Dulog Yung, the “.”
Last summer, Tang began to publish some of the interviews, translated by Sangjey into Chinese, on her blog, Moments of Samsara. Today, CDT begins a weekly four-part series of excerpts from three interviews, translated into English.
Tang hopes to make a documentary from the interviews, and welcomes correspondence from filmmakers via Twitter @DanHongTang.
Chagdoe Donyon was born in 1937 in Derge, Kham (Derge County, Garze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan). The illegitimate son of the Derge princess, Donyon was raised by the noble Chagdoe family. When the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) came to Derge, Donyon left for India, then reentered Tibet as a guerilla in the the Kham Four Rivers, Six Ranges Tibetan Defenders of the Faith Volunteer Army (Chushi Gangdruk). Donyon eventually received training from the CIA, part of a US intelligence program that operated for two decades, until the eve of Nixon’s visit to China in 1972. Donyon is now the chief executive of Bir Tibetan Colony, India.
Donyon told Tan Danhong and Sangjey about his CIA training and deployment to Tibet.
One day when I was thirteen, I saw three Jeeps driving in the distance, eventually stopping at my front door. Out came a few Han Communist officials along with several soldiers. “We are here to liberate you,” they told the elders. The Han tried to explain what “liberate” meant, but the elders didn’t know how to translate “liberate” into Tibetan, let alone what the word meant. They just stood there, puzzled. They didn’t say anything about feudal serfdom; that was added in by the Communist Party later. Those Han stayed at our home that night and left the next day. That was the first time I saw the Han Communists.
It was probably about 1954 when the Communists began arresting those they called Nationalist spies. At that time our village had two Tibetan translators and two Hui merchants. There was also one Han who came to our village during the Nationalist period—he understood Tibetan and had a Tibetan wife. One day, they were all arrested. They were told to meet at the road maintenance office the next morning. Once they arrived, PLA soldiers who had been waiting there arrested them. They disappeared after that. Perhaps they were imprisoned somewhere and died. From then on, political movement gradually came to our hometown. Cadres who had previously set us at ease starting talking about democratic reform.
At that time, Chaghoe Thubten had a better understanding of the political situation. He said to us, “Right now China is undergoing land reform in places like Chengdu and Ya’an, and they will soon launch similar reforms in Derge. While it seems that the Han are kind to us now, it’s unlikely that will continue in the future. The local leaders and the wealthy families will be the first targets of reformand then we’ll be in big trouble…” Chaghoe Thubten told us to leave. He said, “If you pretend to make a pilgrimage to Lhasa it should be okay. If you to stay at home, things won’t end well. Not a single person should stay. You should all leave! Appoint administrative and financial staff to manage things, and leave immediately. But I myself can’t leave. Only I will stay in China to see if things get better.”
Not long after we arrived in Lhasa, Chaghoe Thubten sent us a message: “Do not come back under any circumstances. The reform will bring calamity for the local leaders and wealthy families.” We completely trusted what he said and no longer harbored any fantasies about the Han. Chaghoe Thubten urged us to continue our journey towards India or some other place. In the winter of 1956, our entire family moved to India, claiming that we were on pilgrimage.
…In the summer of 1958, Gonpo Tashi established Chushi Gangdruk. I returned to Tibet from India, went to Lhokha Prefecture, and joined the army.
…After forming Chushi Gangdruk, Gonpo Tashi led a group to Ganden Monastery and forcibly took weapons from the Kashag. After taking possession of the weapons, the PLA began chasing them, and they had to retreat northward instead of returning to the Lhokha headquarters. Chushi Gangdruk’s headquarters was thus moved from Lhokha Lhokha Drigu-thang to Gyaca, not far from Tawang [Arunachal Pradesh]. I was staying at the Chushi Gangdruk headquarters then, and we stayed in Gyaca for a while. When winter came, we moved to Lhagyari, where the headquarters were located.
Gonpo Tashi tried to join with the army’s general headquarters. After we received this news by letter, our group of over two hundred Chushi Gangdruk soldiers from Derge and Lithang went to welcome Gonpo Tashi in Dagpo. After we arrived in Dagpo, we crossed a river and continued to walk for two days. We then met a messenger sent by Gonpo Tashi. He gave is a letter that said, “Do not come to receive us. You must go back to Lhagyari.” So that’s what we did.
We met at headquarters. If Gonpo Tashi didn’t want us to meet him, we had nothing to do in Lhagyari, and we would soon run out of food. At the time, we put a lot of hope in Taiwan and the US, and we thought we should send people to India to ask India, Taiwan, or the US for aid. Actually, we didn’t care where the aid came from. The most important thing was to get weapons and supplies. Before, in 1957, the CIA had already trained Tibetan resistance fighters.  Athar and Lobtse from Lithang had been flown to Samye; in 1958, Wangdue and other fellow soldiers who had received CIA training were also flown to Lithang, and another snuck into Lithang by horse. But after Wangdue and the others had arrived in Lithang, the CIA never airdropped weapons. They had no choice but to leave Lithang. On their way out, Wangdue ran into one of his brothers, who was fleeing with ten or so other people. They all went together to Lhagyari. At the end of the meeting, we decided to divide into two groups: Chaghoe Namgyal Dorje, Lobsang, and Chundak would go to India to get in touch with Gyalo Dhondup [the contact for the CIA training program]; Wangdue, a CIA trainee, and I would go to Darjeeling, India along with thirty other soldiers. Some of us would prepare to receive CIA training.
We got into India easily. A man named Lobsang Gyaltsen came to receive us. He was a good friend of Kunma Tsang, a Bhutanese official, who provided 40 entry permits that would allow Tibetans into Bhutan. So we made it to Darjeeling via Bhutan. In our party was a Han couple and their daughter, who came with a Tibetan named Gyalo Kyentse. I don’t know if they belonged to the Nationalist Party or what, and had no idea what happened to them after we got to Darjeeling.
Gyalo Dhondup was in charge of arranging everything for the CIA training. I didn’t know the details. I heard that Gyalo Dhondup made his connection with the US embassy in Kolkata through an introduction from the Mongolian lama Wangyal. After we arrived in Darjeeling, my adoptive father Changhoe Namgyal Dorje informed us that we would leave for training in the US soon.
Soon, Tibet was occupied. We then paid a special visit to see His Holiness the Dalai Lama inSiliguri. His Holiness took a train to Siliguri to meet his faithful followers. Ten days after we returned to Darjeeling from that visit, we departed for the US.
On the night of our departure, Gyalo Dhondup drove us himself. He dropped us off by the side of the road and said a truck would pick us up. We got into that truck, and it stopped along the way to pick up more people. In the end, there were 21 of us, 18 trainees and three interpreters. From Darjeeling to Siliguri, we then reached the India-Bangladesh border, where we got off and followed a guide. We didn’t know where we were going or what we were going to do. Everything had been pre-arranged by Gyalo Dhondup. We had a little trouble at the border: we were detained by the Indian police for one night and then released. In Bangladesh, the guide left us in a house, where another man came and trucked us to the train station. It was only us and some Bangladeshi soldiers in our train car. The soldiers seemed to be monitoring us. We had no food or drink. The train stopped near a small airport, and another person came to take us to where some CIA trainers were waiting for us. We stayed at the airport that night. The next day, the CIA flew us to the training camp in Colorado.
In the past, Athar and others were trained at a US military base in Japan, but we were trained in Colorado. Before we arrived, six other Tibetans had been trained there, including Gonpo Tashi’s nephew. They had finished training and were expected to leave anytime. We didn’t know any English, so the six stayed to help the CIA trainers teach us how to use weapons, parachutes, and telegraphs. Our training lasted six months. The other group of Tibetans left before we finished, taking Lekshay, Kyilha Tashi, and Taba from our group with them. Those three hadn’t finished their training, but they’d already mastered the basic skills. We didn’t know where they’d be deployed. Later I heard they were dropped in Namtso. But not only could they not establish contact with the local resistance movement, they also exposed their whereabouts. The manager of Thargye Temple in Namtso reported them to the Han, so they had to retreat to India through Nepal.
During our training, Gyalo Dhondup visited us. We demonstrated our shooting abilities to him. He encouraged us to train hard and said that, though Gonpo Tashi’s troops were in India, they were ready to return to Tibet to fight anytime. In actuality, we didn’t need any encouragement. We only worried that we might not be allowed to go back to Tibet to fight the Han because the Dalai Lama and the Chushi Gangdruk army had arrived in India. The founding mission of Chushi Gangdruk was to contribute to the Tibetan political and religious cause. We had never forgotten what we had sworn. We were enthusiastic for having the opportunity to contribute to our country and our people, and didn’t care about our own lives. We had no fear of parachuting back into Tibet.
As our training was nearing the end, we were divided into three small groups. I was in charge of a group of six, and the other two groups had five members each. The American officers told us we’d soon be dropped into Tibet, and pointed out the location on the map. We were going to be dropped where Gonpo Tashi used to be stationed. Perhaps the location had been chosen by Gonpo Tashi and Gyalo Dhondup? Maybe they believed there was still a local resistance there? Our first task was to contact the local resistance, assess the situation, and report to the Americans. After establishing a relationship with the local resisters, we would ask for weapons from the Americans. Next, we would teach the resisters to use the weapons and other guerrilla tactics, and collect information about the Han in Tibet.
…Our group was lucky—we landed in a field and no one was injured. But it took us some effort to find all the equipment that was dropped. The other groups landed in the mountains and two people were lightly injured. We found everything and burned what we didn’t need any longer, like the parachutes.
In the end, we organized a complete Chushi Gangdruk [force] made up of resisters from every tribe in Ja Lha Penba. We would all fight battles along separate routes.
Of course we knew the strength of the Han. I remember when I was still in my hometown, I once saw the Eighteenth Army gather at the Garze Airport. There were so many soldiers that the entire area turned the color of their fatigues. That was the army we were facing, and with such few Tibetan soldiers? We knew beyond the shadow of doubt that we could not beat the Chinese army. Our goal was to resist invasion and make a sacrifice for Tibet.
We trainees didn’t personally lead the soldiers to the battlefields, but mainly provided strategy and conducted guerrilla attacks. In the beginning, we initiated attacks on the Han army. In Bomi, we fought all the way to the Pore area and killed many PLA soldiers. In Sog County, we obtained telegraph equipment from the PLA, attacked one of their transport teams, and took a great deal of food, horses, and camels. All three of our groups had some victory.
But since the Chushi Gangdruk was made up of resisters from different tribes and different areas, many civilians and refugees traveled with the army. Our success was sometimes bogged down by the burden of elderly or weak tagalongs, children, and livestock, not to mention the extremely challenging terrain. So when the PLA attacked us, we sustained heavy casualties in Ja La Penba. The PLA laid siege to our troops, attacking us on land and from the air. I heard that 40,000 PLA soldiers were moved from Lhasa, Xining, and Chamdo. Fighter jets flew above, while infantry and the cavalry swarmed on the ground. The jets first bombed the Penba Monastery, then everywhere else. The casualties were mostly fleeing tribal refugees. You could see dead bodies everywhere. Even though we had our defenses in all areas, we couldn’t beat an army that had so many more soldiers than we did, and we had to retreat. Soon, we fought our way out and left Ja La Penba.
We then retreated to Tagang, where locals said that a small tribe from the Pechung Alliance, whose leader was Tashi Gyaltsen, was under siege by the PLA and had to retreat to Tagang. In Tagang, after they’d shot their last bullet, they smashed their guns on the rocks and grabbed knives to fight until all the men died. The women told their leader, “We’ve run this far, but the Han are still everywhere. There’s no way to escape. If all the men are dead, we will die, too.” So after all the men had died in battle, the women drowned themselves and their children in the river. Some women jumped into the river with three or four kids. There was not a single person left alive from that small tribe. Another tribe, Damdul, was also attacked by the PLA, and had severe casualties. Their leader was captured, and many other tribal members died or were arrested.
Tashi Gyaltsen and Damdul were the leaders of those two small tribes from Pechung in Nangchen. I knew them both. They had come to our headquarters to get weapons and attend meetings. Tashi Gyaltsen’s tribe had over 50 families following him. When I returned to Tibet in 1981, I asked around about the Tashi Gyaltsen’s tribe, and was told that no one had survived.
…I am not a “traitor.” I fought not for my own food, clothing, or money, but because I hated the Chinese government’s policies, and needed to resist China’s attempts to destroy our religion, culture and customs. So the Chinese called me a traitor. But I didn’t go against the Derge King, the Dalai Lama, or Tibet. [Chinese Source]

http://chinadigitaltimes.net/2014/05/troubled-times-voices-of-tibetan-refugees-part-2/