地震两年多了，玉树还这样——昨天（5月4日），在新浪微博上看见的照片及微博：

@扎西尼玛2306553837：我早上出门的路上看到这样的太心痛了象地震那天（玉树在乎？）

藏区地震灾民反对中国政府强占土地

作者： Sui-Lee Wee(黄瑞黎) @suilee

译者： Ogyen Kyab(吾坚嘉) @Pariba
校订： John lee @johnlee1021

来源： http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/04/26/us-china-tibet-earthquake-idUSBRE83P1BW20120426

时间： 4月26日

（路透社） - 那场袭击中国西北部青海省的灾难性大地震已经过去了两年。包包（Baobao）和其他29名无家可归的藏人居民在当地政府大楼外面谴责政府强占土地。

包包(Baobao)说，在结古镇（Gyegu，即玉树）的官员们从不理会他们的请求。包包（只有一个单名）今年41岁，是一个身材魁梧的藏人临时工。

他说，政府官员威胁要对将近600人从原来居住的繁华地段强行搬迁安置，这些人绝大多数是藏人。官方说，这样做的目的是为了“重建玉树”，并将玉树建设成“生态旅游中心”。

这种搬迁引发了中国两个最为严重的社会问题：强占土地和对少数族裔的欺凌虐待。这两者共同导致了这些地区的紧张局势并对社会安定造成威胁。

据包包说，就在同一条大街上，官员们的家却能免遭征用搬迁。

在一顶搭建在尚未拆除的家旁边的帐篷里，他对路透社记者说，“我们只是不明白为什么政府官员的家可以原封不动地保留着，而平民百姓的家就得被夷为平地？”

“肯定有两种政策，一个给当官的，一个给老百姓。”

土地纠纷在中国是常见的，但这些纠纷在藏地却有着不同的意义。

藏人是不满情绪最严重的少数民族之一，他们对共产党的统治和占人口多数的汉人心怀愤恨。2011年3月以来，已经有34位藏人用自焚的方式谴责中国的统治。

虽然大多数藏人生活在中国所谓的西藏自治区，但是很多藏人分布在其他邻近省份，其中包括青海、四川、甘肃和云南。这些地区被称为“传统藏区”。

尽管结古镇没有发生过自焚和暴力抗议，但许多藏人说觉得他们的经济机会和希望被剥夺了。

2010年4月14日发生的6.9级地震造成将近3000人丧生，严重摧毁了结古镇，超过80%的当地居民被迫在肮脏的临时帐篷营地中寻求庇护。

成千上万的难民居住在缺乏自来水和稳定电力的帐篷里，这些帐篷有些安置在被地震损坏的房屋旁边，还有一处在原来用于赛马的空地上。

很多政府建筑已经重建，但住宅区仍被是一片废墟，很多人就住在破砖烂瓦之中，附近的沟渠散发着粪便和垃圾的恶臭。

“我告诉县委书记，‘你们是强盗。你们在趁火打劫’”，当过兵的包包说。

包包和其他目击者说在震灾发生将近两年后的（2012年）4月12日，政府派遣8人一组的防暴队到示威者居住的街道，吓唬他们退缩。

但示威仍在继续。

州政府的官员说他不知道发生这种情况。

包包说他是唯一得到赔偿的居民：22万元（3万4千美金），但这远远低于他房子80万元的价值。

63岁老牧民的江卓（Jamdrol）说，2011年3月，4000名藏人封锁通往省会西宁的一条公路进行抗议，要求政府不要动他们的土地。第三天，警察驱散了抗议，并拘捕了几名藏人。

汉人迁入

生态旅游计划引发了（藏人）对汉人大量涌入此地的担忧，这些汉人几乎没有懂藏文的。

“如果大规模的迁移实现的话，会对藏人的传统及文化产生极大的冲击，”住在北京的藏人作家茨仁唯色说。

虽然藏人居民说他们从政府那里获得了经济上的一些帮助，但是很多人对政府的重建速度和政策持批评态度。

藏人还说，政府在重建工作中将当地人排除在外。大多学校、医院建筑以及汉人公司拥有的建筑都由主要来自四川的汉族工人承建。

本希望当地官员对此予以置评，一再拨打电话却始终无人接听。

结古位于青藏高原，海拔4000米（13,000英尺）。玉树州38万居民大多数是藏人牧民，是青海最贫穷的群体之一，而青海也是在中国排名倒数第三的穷省。

在地震发生后，当局对安多（一位原牧民）说政府要征购他曾拥有的两公顷（5英亩）草地。他们没给安多任何理由。

1995年，为了让安多放弃放牧牲畜并搬迁到最近的城镇，官员们曾答应给安多提供免费房子和资金补偿。他于是搬迁了，但至今未得到任何回报。

“我多次请求政府解决我的住房问题，但没有效果。”身穿羊皮袄的安多说。

56岁的名叫赤列巴姆 (Trinley Palmo) 的牧民说，地震发生后当局 ——以关心安全为由—— 拆除了她在草原上的房子。她和家人被安置在结古镇郊外面积为80平方米（850平方英尺）的砖房里，成为在此地的7万个这种家庭的其中之一。

结古的一位负责农业和畜牧业的官员说，这种安置对牧民的文化和宗教信仰“不会有任何不利的影响”。

“大多数农民和牧民都赞成这种安置，”自称姓李的官员通过电话说。

但是荷兰国际社会问题研究所专家安德鲁• 费舍尔（Andrew Fischer）说，这项政策“糟糕透顶”。费舍尔是一名在藏区研究农村发展问题的专家。

他说：“他们（牧民）来自原本生活相当富足的农村地区……因此让他们进入市场，并与当地商贩一起出售面包或其他东西，对他们尊严多少是一种侮辱。”

很多居民表示，他们根本赚不到钱。35岁的曾经是牧民的扎西尼玛为养活他的家人而担心。

在一家商店买完东西后，他说：“如果政府改变政策，我将回去放牧。”

上周的雪灾之后，在搭建在他家旁边的一顶两居室共20平米的帐篷里，江卓说生活很艰难。帐篷内摆着几张木椅，上面铺着毛毯。他的妻子次拉 (Tselha) 正在劈柴烧火取暖。

政府有可能夺走他的土地，但他说他不怕。

“我会坚持对政府说那块地是属于我的，”江卓说，“即便他们要我的命，我也不会放弃的，”他说着，并且用手指做了一个割喉的手势。

（由北京新闻室额外报道，编辑：Ken Wills 和 Ron Popeski）

Tibetan quake victims fight China government land grab

By Sui-Lee Wee

GYEGU, China | Thu Apr 26, 2012 4:38pm EDT

(Reuters) - For two years after a cataclysmic earthquake struck a remote and wild part of China's northwestern Qinghai province, Baobao and 29 other homeless ethnic Tibetan residents occupied the area outside several government buildings to denounce a land grab.

But no officials in Gyegu - known in Chinese as Yushu - would listen to their pleas, said Baobao, 41, a burly Tibetan odd-job laborer, who goes by only one name.

Government officials, he said, were threatening to forcibly relocate some 600 people - mostly Tibetans - from what was prime real estate in order to rebuild Gyegu as what officials billed as an "ecological tourism centre".

The move has triggered resentment as two of China's most volatile social issues - land grabs and perceived mistreatment of ethnic minorities - combine to raise tensions and threaten social stability in the region.

Just down the street, officials' homes have been spared from the land seizure, according to Baobao.

"What we don't understand is why the officials' homes can be left alone, but the ordinary people's homes have to be snatched away," he told Reuters in the tent he set up next to his home that is still standing.

"There must be two kinds of policies: one for officials and another for ordinary people."

Land disputes are common across China, but the issue takes on new ramifications in areas dominated by ethnic Tibetans.

Tibetans make up one of the most discontented minorities, resentful of the ruling Communist Party and the majority Han Chinese. Thirty-four Tibetans have set themselves on fire to denounce Chinese rule since March 2011.

While most Tibetans live in what China calls the Tibet Autonomous Region, large communities are scattered across the neighboring provinces of Qinghai, Sichuan, Gansu and Yunnan, in what is often termed "historic Tibet".

There have been no self-immolations or violent unrest in Gyegu, but many Tibetans said they felt deprived of economic opportunities and hope.

The 6.9 magnitude earthquake on April 14, 2010 killed nearly 3,000 people, devastated Gyegu and forced about 80 percent of its residents to seek shelter in squalid camps.

Thousands live in tents lacking running water and reliable electricity, pitched alongside damaged houses or in an open area previously used to race horses.

While many government structures were rebuilt, residential areas were laid to waste and many residents live amid rubble alongside a canal that stinks of human excrement and rubbish.

"I told the county secretary: 'You're all robbers. You're looting a burning house", said Baobao, a former soldier with the People's Liberation Army.

Baobao and other witnesses said that on April 12, almost two years to the day after the disaster, the government dispatched an eight-man anti-riot squad to the street where many protesters live to try to frighten them into backing down.

But the demonstrations continued unabated.

An official with the prefecture government said he had no knowledge of the situation.

Baobao said he was the only resident offered compensation -- 220,000 yuan ($34,000) for his home, far below its 800,000 yuan valuation.

In March 2011, 4,000 Tibetans demanding their land be left untouched blocked a road leading to the provincial capital, said Jamdrol, 63, a former nomad. On the third day, police broke up the protest and detained several participants.

INFLUX OF HAN

The eco-tourism plans have fuelled fears of a mass influx of Han Chinese, few of whom learn Tibetan.

"If this large-scale migration is realized, then it will have a very large impact on the traditional culture of ethnic Tibetans," said Tsering Woeser, a Tibetan writer based in Beijing.

Though Tibetan residents say they have secured some financial help from the government, many are critical of the pace and the policies of reconstruction.

Tibetans also say the government has barred locals from rebuilding. Most of the construction of schools, hospitals and buildings owned by Chinese companies are done by Han Chinese workers - mostly migrants from Sichuan.

Repeated calls to officials seeking comment went unanswered.

Gyegu is 4,000 meters (13,000 feet) above sea level on the Tibetan highlands. Most of the Yushu prefecture's 380,000 residents are ethnic Tibetans and many are former nomads, among the poorest groups in Qinghai, itself China's third-poorest province.

After the earthquake, the authorities told Amdo, a former nomad, that the 2 hectares (five acres) of grassland he had owned would be taken by the government. They gave no reason.

Officials had first promised Amdo a free house and money in 1995 in exchange for him giving up his herd and relocating to the nearest town. He moved but got nothing in return.

"I petitioned the government to solve my housing problem but there was no effect," said Amdo, dressed in a sheepskin robe.

Trinley Palmo, 56, another nomadic herder, said the authorities tore down her house in the grasslands after the earthquake, citing safety concerns. Her family was moved into an 80 square-meter (850 sq.foot) brick home in a resettlement area on the outskirts of Gyegu - one of almost 70,000 such households.

An official with Gyegu's Agriculture and Animal Husbandry Department said resettlement "should not have any detrimental impact" on the nomads' cultural and religious beliefs.

"Most of the farmers and herdsmen are still in favor of resettlement," the official, identifying himself by his surname Li, said by telephone.

But Andrew Fischer, an expert in rural development in Tibetan areas at the Netherlands-based International Institute of Social Studies, said the policy was "poorly conceived".

"They (The nomads) are coming from fairly prosperous subsistence-based rural areas ... so it's a bit of an insult to their dignity to assume that they can huddle into the market and sell bread or something alongside local traders," he said.

Many residents said they had seen no benefits. Tashi Nyima, 35 and a former herder, worried about feeding his family.

"If the government policy changes, I would go back to herding," he said, after trading goods outside a storefront.

After snowstorms last week, Jamdrol said life was tough in the two-room 20 sq. meter tent pitched outside his house. The interior was lined with wooden benches, with strips of carpet on them. His wife, Tselha, was chopping firewood for warmth.

The government may seize his land, but he says he is unafraid.

"I will persist in telling the government the land belongs to me," Jamdrol said. "Even if they want my life, I'll never give it up," he said, moving his finger across his throat.

(Additional reporting by Beijing Newsroom, Editing by Ken Wills and Ron Popeski)

图片来自：Reuters/Carlos Barria http://www.reuters.com/article/slideshow/idUSBRE83P1BW20120426#a=1